Don’t Let Enemies of Freedom Suppress the Truth About Israel’s Attack on a Humanitarian Aid Ship!

June 15th, 2010 | James Martin

Greg Butterfield June 15 at 6:36am Reply
Please Forward Widely

Don’t Let Enemies of Freedom Suppress the Truth About Israel’s Attack on a Humanitarian Aid Ship!

All Out to the House of the Lord Church
415 Atlantic Ave., Brooklyn
Thursday June 17, 7 pm

MAVI MARMARA SURVIVORS HAVE A RIGHT TO BE HEARD!

Two weeks ago Israeli naval commandos stormed a Turkish ship loaded with humanitarian aid for the people of Gaza. They murdered 9 unarmed passengers. The oldest, Ibrahim Bilgen, was 61. The youngest, Furkan Dogan, a U.S.citizen born in Troy, N.Y., was just 19.

On Thursday, June 17, two eyewitnesses to this horror, U.S.filmmaker Iara Lee and British political organizer Kevin Ovenden, and Ahmet Unsal, a former Member of Turkey’s Parliament, have been invited to tell their views and stories at a public forum at Brooklyn’s historic House of the Lord Church. The meeting is co-sponsored by dozens of organizations.

They come with nothing but words. But words of truth strike fear into the hearts of certain hate-filled New Yorkpoliticians who have voted time and again to turn U.S. taxpayers’ dollars into missiles and bombs for Israel’s war machine.

On June 14, City Council speaker Christine Quinn, Reps. Jerry Nadler, Anthony Weiner, Carolyn Mahoney, Charles Rangel and Manhattan Borough President Scott Stringer gathered in Times Squareat the behest of the so-called “Jewish Community Relations Council.” They shamelessly demanded that the State Department investigate the invited speakers for “ties to terrorism.” They want to prevent or delay their entry the United States. This is a clear attempt to not only deny the passengers’ right to speak but to deny the people of the United States the right to hear their words.

The group of politicians who issued this call have supported every act of terror by the Israeli state against the native people of Palestineand its neighbors. They cheered the 2008-9 terror bombing and invasion of Gaza that slaughtered 1,400 people, including hundreds of children. They applauded Israel’s 2006 mass murder of 900 Lebanese civilians. They hail the cruel blockade that denies food, medicine, electricity and sanitation to the people of Gazaand they dare to support the killing and kidnapping of Turkish, U.S., British and Irish citizens who tried to break that blockade.

These political hacks now attack our very right to learn and discuss the issues involved. They seek to pin the label of “terrorist” on any who oppose the vicious and immoral blockade of Gazaand the endless stream of U.S. guns and dollars to Israel’s brutal war machine. And they want to hide the truth about what happened that bloody night on the Mavi Marmara.

We call upon all people who believe in justice and freedom to resist this attack on our rights. Let your elected representative know that you have the right to hear what the courageous survivors of the Mavi Marmara have to say. And let’s pack the House of the Lord Church Thursday night. Let’s answer this vile attempt at intimidation with a powerful mass meeting.

LET THE TRUTH BE HEARD!

AL-AWDA NY, THE PALESTINE RIGHT TO RETURN COALITION
info@al-awdany.org
718-228-8636
http://www.al-awdany.org/

Obama’s Neoliberal agenda for education

June 7th, 2010 | James Martin

Obama’s neoliberal agenda for education
By GILLIAN RUSSOM

WRITING IN March 2008, the editors of a Rethinking Schools book on charter schools held out hope that the end of the Bush administration would mean new possibilities for a progressive education agenda:

This country is on the cusp of a new political dialogue. The conservative stranglehold on political debate is ending, opening up new opportunities for progressives to regain the initiative. How this opening will affect public education in general and charter schools in particular is not yet clear, but it ushers in new possibilities not imaginable a decade ago.1
Two years later, the direction of education policy under the Obama administration is indeed clear. The biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression has called into question whether our public schools will be funded at even the most basic level required for their functioning. Last year, budget cuts cost 40,000 teacher jobs. This year, 66 percent of school districts across the country have cut more jobs, while 83 percent of districts project cuts for the 2010–2011 academic year.2 Kansas City’s school board has voted to shut down twenty-eight of the city’s sixty-one schools. In California, more than 23,000 teachers received pink slips in March, and students hoping to attend college are facing tuition increases of 20 percent at the California State University and 32 percent at the University of California.
These devastating cuts are being applied to a public school system that is already in horrible shape. Many schools are overcrowded and crumbling, lacking essential technology and materials; learning is often dull because teachers are exhausted or focused on preparing for standardized tests; and students rarely get experiences that connect what they are learning to the real world. These abysmal conditions have led to a high school dropout rate of nearly 30 percent nationwide, and more than 50 percent in many major cities.3

Education should be at the center of a national debate on social priorities, led by a president who promised “change.” Instead, the economic crisis is being used by the White House to dramatically accelerate a neoliberal agenda for education, going far beyond what George W. Bush’s administration was able to do with its No Child Left Behind (NCLB) policy. With Arne Duncan, a political operative with no formal training in the field, as education secretary, the administration has aggressively promoted an education program with three principal elements: using test score data to evaluate teachers, shutting down and “reconstituting” schools deemed to be failing, and expanding privately-run, mostly non-union charter schools. Other elements include the standardization of curriculum and the lengthening of the school day. This agenda is supported by a nearly unified front of the powerful—Wall Street, Democrats and Republicans at all levels, and many non-profit organizations.

Obama recently signaled the lengths to which he’s willing to go to implement this agenda. Speaking before an audience of business executives at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce on March 1, the president supported a Rhode Island school board’s decision to fire all seventy-four teachers and nineteen other school employees at Central Falls High School. “If a school continues to fail year after year after year and doesn’t show sign of improvements then there has got to be a sense of accountability,” he remarked.4 As the only high school in the poorest community in Rhode Island, Central Falls has been chronically underfunded. Yet it seems that the only people being held accountable are the teachers who have dedicated their lives to working with Central Falls students.5

As a Democrat and the country’s first Black president, Obama has much more leeway to implement a conservative agenda than the Bush administration did, under the guise of promoting equity and civil rights. Though Obama may use different language, his education policies are an intensification of the Bush agenda. Yet many teachers’ union leaders who derided NCLB during the Bush era are now supporting Race to the Top (RTTT). American Federation of Teachers (AFT) President Randi Weingarten, after praising the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation for its contributions to the AFT, announced that, “With the exception of vouchers, which drain vital resources from public schools, everything is on the table in terms of reform, as long as it is good for kids and fair to teachers.”6

This situation presents education activists with tremendous challenges, but also an opportunity to build a new movement for public education. It raises the question of our country’s priorities, when teachers are being fired while banks receive bailouts and soldiers are mobilized for Afghanistan. It raises the issue of public versus private control of vital community resources. And it has the potential to connect the labor movement in the form of teachers’ unions with a social movement by communities of color struggling for basic rights.

In order to build this kind of movement, our side must have a comprehensive response to the crisis of public education in the United States. We must be able to explain and organize against the neoliberal agenda, while at the same time putting forward our own vision of how to dramatically improve the quality of education that children receive in the richest country in the world. This article attempts to begin this process.

Education shock doctrine

The Obama administration’s education program is following a neoliberal playbook, using stimulus funding and increased federal monitoring of the education system to coerce states into attacking teachers’ unions and handing over an increasing percentage of schools (and state funding) to privately-run charters.

Emerging as the dominant ideology of rampant free-market capitalism in the 1980s (until the Great Recession brought massive state intervention back in play in order to bail out the financial sector), neoliberalism is a set of economic policies that emphasizes the minimization of state intervention in the economy, privatization of sectors of the economy once thought to be the domain of the public sector, deregulation of markets, slashing government spending, and promoting anti-union “flexible” labor policies making it easier for employers to depress wages and fire workers at will. In her book The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, Naomi Klein shows how times of crisis have been used as opportunities to push through these neoliberal policies. Klein emphasizes that neoliberal polices involved not only directly selling off public enterprises to private interests, but also governments taking on an increasingly close partnership with the private sector, which acts as a contractor that receives state funds in exchange for providing services.7

Recently, a comprehensive critique of Bush’s (and now Obama’s) education agenda has come from unexpected quarters. Diane Ravitch was assistant secretary of education under President George H.W. Bush and was appointed to the National Assessment Governing Board under President Bill Clinton. Considered one of the nation’s most serious and credible education scholars, Ravitch was initially an advocate of NCLB, charter schools, standardized testing, and using the free market to improve schools. But she’s had a radical change of heart, as chronicled in her latest book, The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education.8 The book critiques the NCLB mindset, in which schools function as businesses and competition is valued over collaboration. It chronicles how school districts from New York to San Diego are undergoing the “shocks” of heavy-handed market reformers using corporate models to “discipline” their teachers.

Why is the neoliberal model being pursued by such a united front of political and economic elites? Since the Reagan administration issued “A Nation at Risk,” its report on the state of public schooling, government education policy has shifted from an emphasis on equity to strident calls for “excellence.” As part of a backlash against the civil rights movement, the report shifts responsibility for public education’s failures from government to individual schools and teachers.

This approach is especially jarring today, when the Bush and Obama administrations have pumped hundreds of billions in taxpayer money—$70 billion to Goldman Sachs alone—to bail out the banks. And that is not even counting the trillions handed out in low-interest loans—essentially free money—to the banks.

“A Nation at Risk” was also motivated by a fear that a poorly educated workforce would make the U.S. economy less competitive. This was echoed in Obama’s first major speech on education. “In 8th grade math, we’ve fallen to 9th place,” he remarked. “Singapore’s middle-schoolers outperform ours three to one… It’s time to prepare every child, everywhere in America, to out-compete any worker, anywhere in the world.”9

The administration may truly believe that increased standards and testing, closing “failing” schools, and making teachers work harder will bring up the skill levels of American children. Some schools may indeed improve scores as they focus on “test prep” at the expense of critical thinking and meaningful curriculum. But for schools in the most oppressed communities, this agenda is so punitive that it is likely to fail even on the narrow terms of test scores. These children are being prepared for occupations where higher skills are not necessary—or for prison.

A major goal of this agenda is to weaken teachers’ unions, by portraying them as bureaucratic, selfish obstacles to quality education. This is part of an overall attack on public-sector unions in this economic crisis. State budget crises are providing the justification to go after public-sector unions in the same way that private-sector unions like the United Auto Workers (UAW) were attacked over the past decade. Together, the 1.4 million-member AFT and the 3.2 million-member National Education Association (NEA) represent the biggest single sector of unionized workers in the U.S. today, and therefore a central target of today’s war on labor. The expansion of mostly non-union charter schools provides a powerful weapon.10

Some charter school operators are in it for the easy money—public education is a market worth hundreds of billions of dollars. But the agenda is much bigger.
While the evidence shows that increasing standards and testing, closing “failing” schools, replacing them with non-union charter schools, and making teachers work harder won’t actually bring up the skill levels of American children overall, that isn’t really the point. Business leaders are excited about education “reform” in general and charter schools in particular because they help to spot talent and recruit the cream of the working class that can be funneled into higher education and employment as technical personnel, frontline managers, and professionals.

That’s why charter schools have the fulsome backing of foundations run by billionaires like Microsoft chairman Bill Gates, Los Angeles real estate magnate Eli Broad, and the Walton family of Wal-Mart fame. In an age of austerity, capital isn’t interested in shouldering the cost of fully funding public education for all. Instead, education is to be divided into distinct tiers, and access to it is to be rationed. Business accounting methods—in this case, test scores—are to be the criteria for making such decisions.

Charter schools and “performance pay” for teachers bring the ideology of competition into education, instead of education being a government-guaranteed right for all. Sometimes, pushing free-market ideology is an explicit part of the plan: the original petition by Green Dot charter schools to take over Los Angeles’ Locke High School required that students in history classes “demonstrate a belief in the values of democracy and capitalism.”11

The attack on public education also fits with the goals of local elites in urban areas, who want to restructure their cities in ways that make them more hospitable to business investment (and consequently displace poor communities of color). For example, consider Chicago’s “Renaissance 2010” plan to “reconstitute” failing schools:

The mayor and Civic Committee are operating from a larger blueprint to make Chicago a “world-class city” of global finance and business services, real estate development, and tourism, and education is part of this plan. Quality schools (and attractive housing) are essential to draw high-paid, creative workers for business and finance.12
In order to achieve this ambitious set of goals, control over the school system must be more centralized. In many cities, the move toward charters has been facilitated by imposing mayoral control over school districts.13 And the Obama administration’s RTTT program signals the federal government’s desire to increasingly dictate educational policy at a national level.
The neoliberal agenda for education can be accelerated now for two reasons—the economic crisis, and a president who is far less likely to face opposition from unions and the left than previous administrations. Arne Duncan is quite open about the fact that he is implementing a “shock doctrine” approach. In an interview on ABC News in January, Duncan said,

I’ve spent a lot of time in New Orleans and this is a tough thing to say but I’m going to be really honest. The best thing that happened to the education system in New Orleans was Hurricane Katrina. That education system was a disaster. And it took Hurricane Katrina to wake up the community to say that we have to do better. And the progress that it made in four years since the hurricane, is unbelievable.14
The “unbelievable” progress Duncan is referring to is the fact that after the hurricane, all New Orleans schools were closed and the teachers fired. Fifty-seven percent of New Orleans schools have now been reopened as non-union charter schools.15 The fact that half of New Orleans children are no longer in the public schools because they were driven from their homes doesn’t seem to bother Duncan.
Like a nationwide hurricane, the economic crisis has provided the disaster excuse for pushing drastic changes to education policy nationwide. Speaking in San Francisco in May 2009, Arne Duncan said that California is facing a “moment of opportunity and a moment of crisis…Despite how tough things are financially, it’s often at times of crisis we get the reforms we need.”16 States have been plunged into such deep budget problems that they are rapidly revamping their education policies in hopes of attracting tiny portions of federal stimulus money from RTTT.

Arne Duncan: CEO of School Closings

The strategy of closing or “reconstituting” schools deemed to be failing was pioneered by Arne Duncan in the Renaissance 2010 (Ren 2010) program that he implemented as chief executive officer of Chicago Public Schools (CPS). Duncan is a non-educator who was brought into the Obama administration on the basis of Ren 2010’s supposedly stellar record for improving CPS.

Initiated by Mayor Richard Daley and the Commercial Club of Chicago, the goal of Ren 2010 was to close sixty “low-performing” public schools and open one hundred new ones as small schools, charters, or “contract” schools by 2010. To date, at least fifty-one neighborhood schools have been closed or consolidated, and eighty-six new ones opened, the vast majority as charter schools.

The closing of neighborhood schools has caused great hardship for students who must relocate, and led to a spike in school violence when students are forced to commute to schools in the territory of rival gangs. The number of students fatally shot on CPS campuses has nearly tripled since 2005.17

Chicago parent Cheryl Johnson spoke at a CPS board meeting about the closure of her child’s school:

Carver High School has been in our community ever since 1974. We should have a right to have our kids go to a school that is in the neighborhood, not to take two buses and to walk to a school that they’ve been fighting in for the last four or five years… Renaissance 2010 is just an avenue for our kids to be killed on a regular basis.18
As Jitu Brown, Rico Gutstein, and Pauline Lipman explained in Rethinking Schools, “For affected communities who have longed for change, Renaissance 2010 has been traumatic, largely ineffective, and destabilizing to communities owed a significant ‘education debt’ (to quote Gloria Ladson-Billings) due to decades of being underserved.”19
Renaissance 2010 has not succeeded in improving test scores. When Obama appointed Duncan in December 2008, he said standardized test scores had risen in Chicago’s elementary schools by 29 percentage points during Duncan’s seven years as superintendent. But according to one research group, the real improvement was only about 8 percentage points, trailing behind six other major cities. Duncan’s closure of low-performing schools didn’t improve achievement on tests. Moreover, according to a study by the Commercial Club of Chicago (a sponsor of Ren 2010), under Duncan’s watch, gains on state test scores were inflated when Illinois relaxed passing standards.20

The problems of inner-city schools are a result of poverty, lack of funding and resources, and underpaid teachers. It shouldn’t surprise anyone that shutting these schools down or “reconstituting” them by firing dedicated teachers doesn’t solve these problems. In the UCLA Law Review, Andrew Spitser argued that reconstitution is arbitrary, violates collective bargaining agreements, and has a negative effect on the quality of teachers and instruction.

The loss of legitimacy and morale that would attend the labeling of a large number of schools as failing, and the upheaval caused by reconstitution in so many schools counsel further against reconstitution… school officials need to take care that the methods used to hold schools accountable do not end up punishing the children that the Act is intended to help… reconstitution threatens to do just that.21
Yet as more and more schools fail to reach the ballooning test score expectations of NCLB, we are going to see more students’ educations disrupted with this failed strategy. In addition to the high-profile “turnaround” of Central Falls High School, New York City’s Panel for Educational Policy voted in late January to close some nineteen public schools in mostly working-class Black and Latino communities. A judge has blocked the closings, but the city is appealing the decision. Mayor Michael Bloomberg has already closed some ninety-one schools since 2002. And in February, the Los Angeles Unified School District announced its first “reconstitution” of Fremont High School in South Central Los Angeles.
Why would the government doggedly pursue this strategy that so clearly will not solve the problems of our most-embattled schools? Because it is the logical conclusion of the “accountability” rhetoric at the heart of the neoliberal agenda. If they are going to argue that “bad teachers” must be “held accountable” for a school’s “lack of progress,” then ultimately they must get rid of some teachers to prove that they are serious. The schools that are closed or “reconstituted” are intended to set an example and discipline the rest of us to fall in line.

The Obama-Duncan agenda: A Race to the Bottom

Obama’s first major policy initiative on education was the “Race to the Top” program (RTTT) announced in July 2009. Bringing the spirit of “free-market” competition to the highest levels of government policy, RTTT asks that the fifty states plus the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico compete for a pool of $4.35 billion in stimulus funding for education.

On March 15, the administration announced that fifteen states and the District of Columbia had been chosen as finalists for the first round of RTTT money. The handful of winners will share less than half of the total money (about $2 billion). If a state receives the grant, 50 percent of the money must be subgranted to Local Education Agencies (LEAs) including local school districts and charter schools. As we went to press, Duncan had so far chosen only two states to receive RTTT money, Delaware (set to receive $107 million) and Tennessee (set to receive as much as $502 million). According to the Washington Post, “Duncan acknowledged that the small winner’s circle was designed as an incentive for other states to continue revamping their education policies.”22

RTTT’s criteria for awarding grants are carefully calibrated to get states to do two main things: massively expand charter schools and create data systems that allow teachers to be evaluated based on their students’ test scores. In the selection process for RTTT applicants, fifty-eight points are awarded for “improving teacher and principal effectiveness based on performance,” and forty points for “ensuring successful conditions for high-performing charters and other innovative schools,” while only ten points are allotted for “making education funding a priority.”23

To be eligible for a grant, states must link student test scores to individual teachers and principals for the purposes of evaluation. Applications are judged based on what percentage of a state’s schools may be charters. RTTT guidelines suggest that “reviewers should give States high points if they have no caps or caps of 10 percent or more; medium points if they have caps of 5 to 10 percent; and low points if they have caps of less than 5 percent.”24 Points are also earned for getting teachers and other unions to sign memoranda of understanding agreeing to their “reform” plans.25

The RTTT funds are a tiny drop in the bucket compared to the scale of the budget shortfalls. Yet the promise of these funds has been used to push through major changes to education policy in dozens of states. For example, if California had been chosen, the state would have gotten at best $700 million in one-time funds, scarcely 1 percent of its education budget. With these paltry funds as justification, the state passed a bill in December mandating punitive “turnarounds” of the bottom 5 percent of the state’s schools and forcing schools to be converted to charters if 50 percent of parents sign a petition.26 Obviously, these policies were pushed not only to be eligible for the grant money but also because they coincide with the goals of politicians—from Republican Governor Schwarzenegger to liberal Democratic state Senator Gloria Romero (who sponsored the new law).27

The sixteen finalists were chosen not because of educational quality, but because they have gone farthest toward implementing neoliberal policies. Finalists Louisiana and Florida schools have consistently earned low rankings, but Florida is a shoo-in for the grant because they already have a “data system” that tracks their students’ test scores from preschool to college. Louisiana was chosen because of its thorough conversion to charter schools and busting of the teachers’ union in New Orleans. Ohio was an early proponent of for-profit charter schools, which had a horrible record in terms of student achievement.28 Rhode Island was no doubt rewarded for its dramatic attack on teachers at Central Falls High School. And six of the sixteen are Southern “right-to-work” states with weak or no unions for teachers. Now Obama has proposed extending the program, as well as expanding it by $3 billion, to fund new “innovations,” especially at charter schools.

Rebranding No Child Left Behind

When Obama took office, his administration signaled a desire to get rid of some of the negative connotations associated with NCLB. As the Washington Post reported,

The Obama administration has made clear that it is putting its own stamp on education reform. That will mean a new name and image for a law that has grown unpopular with many teachers and suburban parents, even though it was enacted with bipartisan support in Congress. “It’s like the new Coke. This is a rebranding effort,” said Joe Williams, executive director of Democrats for Education Reform.29
On March 15, the Obama administration released “A Blueprint for Reform: The Reauthorization of the ESEA.”30 Though there may be some “rebranding” going on (Obama doesn’t use the term NCLB), the Blueprint leaves all the basic pillars of Bush’s law untouched. Like NCLB, the Blueprint focuses on “accountability” for teachers and schools based on test scores. The administration claims that the Blueprint changes the focus “from punishing failure to rewarding success,” and schools that are improving will be granted more freedom from federal intervention. But the plan calls for increased intervention for “low-performing schools.” It sets up “school turnaround grants,” which states can only receive if they choose one of four models for their most troubled schools: transformation (replacing the principal, extending the school day, and implementing new governance and “flexibility”); turnaround (replacing the principal and rehiring no more than 50 percent of the school staff); restart (closing the school and reopening it under the management of a charter operator); or closure.
Like NCLB, the Blueprint also sets unattainable goals for school improvement, requiring all students to be on track to be “career and college ready” by 2020. As Monty Neill of FairTest explained, “If this reasonable goal is attached to an impossible timeline, it will simply become the new basis for continuing to castigate schools and teachers for not accomplishing what society has failed to provide the resources to accomplish.”31

“Pay for Performance”?

Among progressive teachers, there are some interesting debates taking place about the issue of “differentiated pay.”32 Should we push for extra compensation for teaching in hard-to-staff schools or to attract and retain new teachers? And if we want teachers to have more power and a voice in what happens in schools, should we consider giving extra compensation to those who serve as mentors for their fellow teachers or who take extra time to develop curriculum?

Unfortunately, none of these ideas are what Obama and Duncan mean when they talk about “performance pay” for teachers. The administration is pushing a system to reward—and punish—teachers strictly based on their students’ test scores.

In his March 2009 education speech, Obama argued, “Too many supporters of my party have resisted the idea of rewarding excellence in teaching with extra pay, even though we know it can make a difference in the classroom.” Duncan later clarified what “excellence in teaching” means—improving student test scores. “What you want to do is really identify the best and brightest by a range of metrics, including student achievement,” he told the Associated Press.33

The push toward this kind of “performance pay” will be disastrous for three main reasons. First, because it will tend to punish teachers in the most challenging schools in poorer districts who must battle larger obstacles to improving their students’ learning outcomes. Teachers in less challenging schools and districts with more affluent students will be rewarded. In one county in Florida, where “merit pay” has been most fully implemented, three-fourths of the nearly 5,000 teachers who received merit pay worked at more affluent schools, and only 3 percent worked at low-income schools.34

Second, “merit pay” creates an atmosphere of competition rather than collaboration among teachers. This will severely weaken union solidarity, and is poisonous to the kind of collaboration that is so essential for good teaching. As the creators of the Web site Teachers for CEO Merit Pay explain:

Performance pay structures in education force teachers to compete for a limited pool of merit-pay money, instead of collaborating to provide the best possible education. This creates a disincentive for teachers to share information and teaching techniques. Thus, the main way teachers learn their craft—studying from their colleagues—is effectively discarded. If you think we have turnover problems in teaching now, wait until new teachers have no one to turn to.35
Third, “merit pay” only raises the stakes on the high-stakes testing that has been proven to be both biased and a poor gauge of actual student learning. In its report, the National Center for Fair and Open Testing reviewed a range of research showing that “merit pay” leads to score inflation, narrowing the curriculum to focus solely on math and science, flawed results from for-profit testing companies, and a distortion of the goals of education—and that it may not even raise test scores.36
If we want to improve teacher quality, we need to value the teaching profession by raising the bar on teacher pay overall in the United States. A 2007 study found that starting teaching salaries in the U.S. are far below the international norm. Average teacher pay in South Korea is 141 percent of per capita gross domestic product, and just 81 percent in the U.S., which had the lowest teacher pay of the ten countries surveyed. And when teachers are compared to professionals in occupations with comparable levels of education and skills, teachers’ weekly earnings were on average almost 15 percent less.37

Charter schools

According to Arne Duncan’s Race to the Top guidelines, charter schools “offer one of the most promising options for breaking the cycle of educational failure.”38 The evidence shows that while charter schools have been a useful way to eliminate or weaken teachers’ unions, in every other measure, they haven’t proven to be the educational Holy Grail that their promoters have claimed them to be [see accompanying article in this issue].

Responses by teachers’ unions

National leaders of the AFT and NEA have accepted many of the assumptions of the neoliberal attack. “We finally have an education president,” said AFT President Randi Weingarten, following Obama’s first education speech that stressed “performance pay” and charter schools. “We really embrace the fact that he’s talked about both shared responsibility and making sure there is a voice for teachers, something that was totally lacking in the last eight years.”39

In response to the same speech, NEA President Dennis Van Roekel said, “President Obama always says he will do it with educators, not to them. That is a wonderful feeling, for the president of the United States to acknowledge and respect the professional knowledge and skills that those educators bring to every job in the school.”40

Both unions initially voiced their support of RTTT. Weingarten said of the program, “The Department of Education worked hard to strike the right balance between what it takes to get system-wide improvement for schools and kids, and how to measure that improvement.”41 And Van Roekel said, “While NEA disagrees with some of the details surrounding the RTTT initiative, this is an unprecedented opportunity to make a lasting impact on student achievement, the teaching profession, and public education.”42

Weingarten has been supporting forms of merit pay and charter schools for years. When she was president of New York City’s United Federation of Teachers (UFT) from 1998 to 2009, the UFT opened two of its own charter schools and partnered with Green Dot to run a third where teachers are under separate contracts from the rest of the UFT. In October 2007, the UFT implemented “performance” bonuses for teachers at schools that improved their test scores.

Now, Weingarten is touting the new contract for New Haven teachers as “a model or a template” for the rest of the country. The contract implements performance bonuses for schools that improve their test scores; gives the school district the right to shut down and reconstitute low-performing schools as charters; and makes it easier for the district to fire teachers after a 120-day “improvement period.” New Haven teachers approved the contract by an overwhelming vote of 842 to 39.

According to the Wall Street Journal, the AFT “recently issued a batch of innovation grants to districts that are tying teacher pay to performance,” and the NEA “is taking similar steps to encourage tougher evaluations and to loosen seniority systems, moves that Mr. Duncan called ‘monumental breakthroughs.’”43

The NEA, which had largely refrained from criticizing Obama, did issue a critical statement after the release of the Blueprint:

We were expecting to see a much broader effort to truly transform public education for kids. Instead, the accountability system… still relies on standardized tests to identify winners and losers. We were expecting more funding stability to enable states to meet higher expectations. Instead, the “blueprint” requires states to compete for critical resources, setting up another winners-and-losers scenario. We were expecting school turnaround efforts to be research-based and fully collaborative. Instead, we see too much top-down scapegoating of teachers and not enough collaboration.
Nevertheless, the NEA has not put forward a clear strategy on how to shift education policy.
For the AFT, Weingarten has issued a strategy piece entitled, “A New Path Forward.”44 Her proposal for fixing public education contains four elements: 1) a new, more fair, and “expedient” process of teacher evaluation and for dealing with ineffective teachers; 2) a new fair and faster system of due process for teachers accused of misconduct; 3) giving teachers the “tools, time, and trust” to succeed; and 4) creating a trusting partnership between labor and management.

Although the document purports to challenge teacher scapegoating, Weingarten’s first two recommendations accept the logic that individual classroom teachers are what’s standing in the way of quality education. The piece makes no mention of the decimation of school funding nationwide. Most importantly, “A New Path Forward” stresses collaboration with politicians and school districts at a time when we need to be mounting a serious fight against them for funding and democracy.

Why aren’t the national unions taking a more aggressive approach to fight Obama’s anti-union agenda? Obviously, their close ties with Obama and the Democrats are a major factor. Moreover, it has been a long time since teachers’ unions in the U.S. waged any large-scale struggle for our rights, and there is the perception that the Obama agenda has such broad support that it would be impossible to challenge—so if you can’t beat ’em, join ’em.

In addition, the national unions’ approach is based on an underlying recognition that people are fed up with our public schools. Yet in the absence of our own grassroots, democratic vision of school transformation (that also protects and extends union rights), these union leaders just end up picking and choosing which aspects of the top-down reform agenda to get on board with.

Social justice teachers’ unionism

If teachers’ unions and public education are to survive the onslaught of attacks against us, we will need to challenge the assumptions of the “partnership” model and make a fundamental shift toward social justice unionism. Social justice unions see themselves as fighting for the interests of the whole working class, not just their own members. To do this, unions must operate with a class struggle approach, take on all forms of oppression, build alliances with members of the communities in which they work, and have a global outlook.45

We know that teachers’ unions could be the leading force in a social movement for public education. The March 4th Day of Action for Public Education showed the tremendous potential for such a movement. The Day of Action was initiated by college students protesting tuition hikes in California, but eventually all California teachers’ unions got on board, holding leaflettings, school-site actions, and citywide rallies that highlighted the attacks on our public schools. Actions were also held in dozens of cities outside California. Our simple message—that public education and social services must be the top priorities of our society—resonated broadly with the general public. March 4th showed that there is no reason for our unions to be timid right now. Our fight for public education could attract millions to our side.

We will need such a mass movement to sweep away the dominance of “free-market” notions in education policy and return to the emphasis on equity that emerged from the 1960s. To win this fight, we must also win in the battle of ideas. State and federal administrators want us to believe that there are limited funds and that therefore “sacrifices” must be made (always for workers, never for well-paid administrators and executives). Nationally, the states’ total budget gap may be $375 billion for 2010-2011—half of the TARP fund used to bail out the banks. It’s not a question of a lack of funds but of priorities. Billions have been spent to bail out bankers and big businesses and to fund two unpopular wars. California spends more on prisons than it does on higher education. The rich have been under-taxed for decades now.

Such a movement will have to force major changes in how education is funded and run in this country. In California, we will have to overturn a system of state laws that have sapped the funding base from public education: the Proposition 13 cap on property taxes, tax breaks for the wealthy, and a two-thirds rule that makes it nearly impossible for the state legislature to raise taxes. This means that teachers’ unions will have to develop a serious, long-term strategy to build up a power base and push political change.

Grassroots, democratic reform versus top-down, corporate reform

We also need to be deeply involved in putting forward our own vision and concrete plans for transforming our own schools. The left within the teachers’ unions has always fought back against cuts, but for the most part has been hesitant to get involved in reform projects to transform individual schools. We have been clear about what we are against, but much less clear about what we are for.

At the same time, radical education reformers whose focus is creating alternative school models have mostly been working at a distance from the teachers’ unions, which they see as uninterested in questions of school transformation.

If our goal is to build a mass movement for public education, radicals in the teachers’ unions need to reclaim the terrain of education visionaries and combine it with our struggle for school funding and stronger union rights. We need to be part of the small struggles to improve schools in the here and now, because these will help build the community coalitions and power to fight for the massive increase in resources that we need. Of course, meaningful, progressive school reform is unsustainable without adequate funding—and that struggle must continue. But developing a vision for the changes we want to see at each school can bring more teachers, students, and parents into our struggle and lend urgency to the fight for more resources.

In other words, we need a dual strategy to confront the dual attack of budget cuts and top-down reform. Progressive teachers in several cities have formed organizations to take on this challenge: The Caucus of Rank-and-File Educators in Chicago, the Grassroots Education Movement in New York City, Educators for a Democratic Union in San Francisco, and Progressive Educators for Action in Los Angeles.46

Fighting privatization in Los Angeles

As the Los Angeles Unified School District proceeds with large-scale cuts and layoffs, it has also begun a process that could give away dozens of our schools to privately-run organizations.

Approved by the school board on August 25, 2009, the misnamed “Public School Choice” (PSC) process opened up fifty brand-new schools and 227 “low-performing” schools to bids by “internal and external stakeholders”—including both charter schools and teacher groups. Twelve existing schools and twenty-four brand-new schools were selected as “focus schools” subject to possible takeover for the 2010-2011 school year.

The PSC process for selecting a school operator is completely undemocratic. To submit their own proposal and prevent an outside takeover of their school, teachers and parents who work full time must spend countless hours in the evenings and on the weekends to complete the lengthy application. In contrast, charter schools employ staff members working full time on the process. This year, school proposal teams had just three months to develop, discuss, and write their proposals for major transformations to their schools—a setup to exclude most voices from the conversation. And though school employees and parents can vote on which plan they prefer for their school, the vote is merely “advisory” as the superintendent and school board make the final decision.

It was tempting to abstain from this horribly flawed proposal process altogether. But without teacher and parent proposals, there would have been a far greater risk that the schools would be turned over to charters. And abstaining from the process would have left the question of what kind of changes our schools need completely in the hands of the district and the Charter Management Organizations (CMOs).

United Teachers Los Angeles (UTLA) decided to enter the playing field, and supported teacher groups in submitting proposals for all thirty-six focus schools. This process put teachers into discussions with each other and with parents about what kind of changes we want for our schools. How can we ensure teacher control of curriculum? How can we create more opportunities for teacher collaboration? How can we give parents a genuine voice in school decisions? How can we make students’ learning experiences more rigorous, authentic, and interesting?

“[W]e’re trying to show that we can, as teacher-educators, build a school that will benefit our children because we know our children best,” said Josephine Miller, a first-grade teacher at focus school Hillcrest Elementary. “That’s what makes this exciting.”47

UTLA’s Charter Schools Task Force developed a framework of ten social justice principles that guide our efforts toward grassroots, democratic school reform: Access, equity, excellence, personalization, relevance to students’ lives and the real world, public management and local control, public purpose, school and community connection, sustainability and capacity, and commitment to unions and collective action. We think all proposals for school reform should be judged according to these principles, and we used the PSC process to educate parents about why charter schools don’t meet these criteria.

When 87 percent of parents voted to support the teacher-developed PSC proposals in the “advisory votes,” it gave us the best piece of propaganda for our side. The whole PSC process was justified in terms of “letting parents choose”—but parents had clearly chosen to support teacher-developed plans over outside takeovers.
In the end, the school board’s final decision gave twenty-nine of thirty-six schools to the local school plans developed by teachers. Despite a process that was set up to benefit them, charter schools took only four of the twenty-four new schools they bid for, and the two largest CMOs in Los Angeles (Green Dot and Alliance for College-Ready Public Schools) were rejected completely. Three schools went to the Mayor’s Partnership (whose teachers are still in UTLA). None of our schools should have been given away, but the combination of local proposal development and grassroots community outreach helped us save the vast majority of our schools and win people in many Los Angeles communities to opposing charter takeovers.

Many more schools are up for possible takeover next year. As the attacks continue, our challenge is to show how the budget cuts and school takeovers are part of a single, neoliberal agenda for education, and to bring those concerned with budget cuts and those working toward democratic school reform into a large, unified movement.

Conclusion

The neoliberal assault on education has the potential to destroy public schools and teachers’ unions within the next decade. Challenging it will require that we build a movement that is both militant and visionary about the future of public education. To create a broad movement of teachers, parents, and students, we have to consistently tie the issues of reform, resources, and union rights together. A movement for public education has the potential to lead the way and open up a much broader challenge to all the broken promises and conservative policies of the Obama administration: the attacks on all public-sector unions, the budget cuts to all important social services, and the funding of banks, prisons, and war instead of people’s needs.

Ultimately, a movement for public education will have to confront not just the neoliberal agenda, but the overall role of schooling in a capitalist society. If students leave school only to enter an economy where the vast majority of jobs are alienating, unfulfilling, and disempowering, how can we expect to have an education system that prepares them to be creative, critical thinkers?

As Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis argued more than thirty years ago:

What we demand of U.S. schools is perfectly straightforward. We envision an educational system which, in the process of reproducing society, vigorously promotes personal development and social equality. What we have shown is equally straightforward: The major characteristics of the educational system in the United States today flow directly from its role in producing a work force able and willing to staff occupational positions in the capitalist system. We conclude that the creation of an equal and liberating school system requires a revolutionary transformation of economic life.48
This is not just a matter of the current wave of education policy, but the structure of our society itself.
Gillian Russom is a high school teacher and union activist in Los Angeles.
1 Leigh Dingerson, Barbara Miner, Bob Peterson, Stephanie Walters, eds., Keeping the Promise?: The Debate over Charter Schools (Milwaukee: Rethinking Schools, Ltd., 2008), xii.

2 NBC Nightly News, March 11, 2010.

3 Associated Press, “High school graduation rates plummet below 50 percent in some U.S. cities,” April 1, 2008, www.foxnews.com.

4 Nancy, Krause, “Obama weighs in on CP teacher firings,” www.wpri.com/dpp/news/president-obama-supports-central-falls-teacher-firings.

5 Brian Chidester, “Getting the ax at Central Falls,” Socialist Worker, March 8, 2010, http://socialistworker.org/2010/03/08/axed-at-central-falls.

6 Randi Weingarten, “Spurring union-led innovation: public school entrepreneurs,” Huffington Post, October 8, 2009.

7 Naomi Klein, The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism (New York: Henry Holt, 2008).

8 Diane Ravitch, The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education (New York: Basic Books, 2010).

9 “President Obama’s remarks to the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce,” March 9, 2009, New York Times, March 10, 2009.

10 Ibid.

11 www.scribd.com/doc/24665283/Green-Dot-Public-sic-Schools-original-Alain-Leroy-Locke-Charter-High-School-petition??autodown=pdf.

12 Jitu Brown, Eric (Rico) Gutstein, and Pauline Lipman, “Arne Duncan and the Chicago success story: myth or reality?” ?Rethinking Schools, Spring 2009.

13 Sarah Knopp, “Charter schools and the attack on public education,” International Socialist Review, November-December 2008.

14 Arne Duncan interview on ABC News “Washington Watch with Roland Martin,” January 29, 2010, http://blogs.abcnews.com/
politicalpunch/2010/01/duncan-katrina-was-the-best-thing-for-new-orleans-schools.html.

15 Klein, The Shock Doctrine, 6, and Leigh Dingerson, “Unlovely: how the market is failing the children of New Orleans,” in Dingerson et al., eds., Keeping the Promise? 17-34.
16 Seema Mehta, “U.S. education secretary says California students in peril,” Los Angeles Times, May 23, 2009.

17 NBC News, “Teen’s beating death puts pressure on officials,” September 28, 2009, www.msnbc.msn.com.

18 Quoted in Melissa Tussing, “Pressure on CPS board to scuttle Renaissance 2010,” Medill Reports Chicago, October 28, 2009, news.medill.northwestern.edu/chicago/news.aspx?id=143733&
print=1, and “Report: School closings had little effect on student performance,” Medill Reports Chicago, November 5, 2009, ccsr.uchicago.edu/news_docs/6882report.

19 Brown, Gutstein, and Lipman, “Arne Duncan and the Chicago success story.”

20 Valerie Strauss, “Why Duncan’s record in Chicago is a problem,” Washington Post, December 29, 2009.

21 Andrew Spitser, “School reconstitution under No Child Left Behind: Why school officials should think twice,” UCLA Law Review, June 2007.

22 Nick Anderson and Bill Turque, “Delaware, Tennessee win education awards in first Race to the Top competition,” Washington Post, March 30, 2010.

23 Race to the Top Program, “Executive Summary,” U.S. Department of Education, Washington, D.C., November 2009, www2.ed.gov/programs/racetothetop/executive-summary.pdf.

24 Race to the Top Program, “Guidance and Frequently Asked Questions,” U.S. Department of Education, Washington, D.C., (updated) January 13, 2010, www2.ed.gov/programs/racetothetop/faq.pdf.

25 Ibid.

26 Web site of Senator Gloria Romero, http://dist24.casen.govoffice.com/index.asp.

27 Dan Walters, “Obama’s school grants are side issue in California,” Sacramento Bee, December 8, 2009.

28 Amy Hanauer, “Profits and privatization: The Ohio experience” in Dingerson, et al., eds., Keeping the Promise?

29 Quoted in Maria Glod, “Obama to rebrand ‘No Child Left Behind,’” Washington Post, June 23, 2009.

30 U.S. Department of Education, “A blueprint for reform: The Reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act,” March 2010, www2.ed.gov/policy/elsec/leg/blueprint/blueprint.pdf.

31 Monty Neill, “Congress needs a different ESEA blueprint,” National Center for Fair and Open Testing, March 23, 2010, www.fairtest.org/congress-needs-different-esea-blueprint.

32 Barbara Miner, “The debate over differentiated pay: The devil is in the details,” Rethinking Schools Online, Autumn 2009.

33 Quoted in Libby Quaid, “Obama education plan speech: Stricter standards, charter schools, merit pay,” Huffington Post, March 10, 2009.

34 Miner, “The debate over differentiated pay.”

35 www.teachersforceomeritpay.com.

36 The National Center for Fair and Open Testing, “Paying teachers for student test scores damages schools and undermines learning,” November 19, 2009, www.fairtest.org/paying-for-student-test-scores-damages-schools.

37 Miner, “The debate over differentiated pay.”

38 Race to the Top Program, “Guidance and Frequently Asked Questions.”

39 Libby Quaid, “Obama education plan speech: Stricter standards, charter schools, merit pay,” The Huffington Post, March 10, 2009.

40 Ibid.

41 Adrienne Johnstone, “We have to learn how to fight,” Socialist Worker, November 25, 2009.

42 Dennis Van Roekel, “Responding to Race to the Top,” National Education Association video, September 2009, www.nea.org/home/35870.htm.

43 Neil King, Jr., “Obama wins a battle as a teachers’ union shows flexibility,” Wall Street Journal, October 17, 2009.

44 Randi Weingarten, “A new path forward: Four approaches to ?quality teaching and better schools,” American Federation of Teachers, January 12, 2010, aft.3cdn.net/227d12e668432ca48e_twm6b90k1.pdf.

45 Bill Fletcher, Jr., and Fernando Gapasin, Solidarity Divided: The Crisis in Organized Labor and a New Path Toward Social Justice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008), 165-186.

46 “Answering the attack on teachers,” Socialist Worker, March 3, 2010, http://socialistworker.org/2010/03/03/answering-attacks-on-teachers.

47 Howard Blume, “Teachers seek control at up-for-bid L.A. Unified Schools,” Los Angeles Times, January 2, 2010.

48 Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America:Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life (London:Routledge, 1976), 265.

March 4th, 2010 | James Martin

The Future as Sci Fi: A New Cold War
Slavoj Zizek

The contours of a new Cold War are thus appearing on the horizon – and, this time, it will be literally a conflict fought in very cold conditions. On August 2 2007, a Russian team planted a titanium capsule with a Russian flag under the ice caps of the North Pole. This assertion of the Russian claim to the Arctic region was done neither for scientific reasons nor as a political-propagandistic bravado. Its true goal was to secure for Russia the vast energy riches of the Arctic: according to today’s estimates, up to one quarter of the world’s untapped oil and gas sources may lie under the Artic Ocean. Russia’s claims are, predictably, opposed by four other countries whose territory borders on the Arctic region: USA, Canada, Norway and Denmark (through its sovereignty over Greenland).

While it is difficult to estimate the soundness of these predictions, one thing is sure: an extraordinary social and psychological change is taking place right in front of our eyes – the impossible is becoming possible. An event first experienced as impossible but not real (the prospect of a forthcoming catastrophe which, however probable we know it is, we do not believe it will effectively occur and thus dismiss it as impossible) becomes real but no longer impossible (once the catastrophe occurs, it is “renormalized,” perceived as part of the normal run of things, as always-already having been possible). The gap which makes these paradoxes possible is the one between knowledge and belief: we know the (ecological) catastrophe is possible, probable even, yet we do not believe it will really happen.

And is this not what is happening today, right in front of our eyes? A decade ago, the public debate on torture or the participation of the Neo-Fascist parties in a West European democratic government was dismissed as an ethical catastrophe which is impossible, which “really cannot happen”; once it happened, we immediately got accustomed to it, accepting it as obvious… Or, recall the infamous siege of Sarajevo from 1992 till 1995: the fact that a »normal« European city of half a million inhabitants will be encircled, starved, regularly bombed, its citizens terrorized by sniper fire, etc., and that this will go on for 3 years, would have been considered unimaginable before 1992 – it would have been extremely easy for the Western powers to break the siege and open a small safe corridor to the city. When the siege began, even the citizens of Sarajevo thought this is a short-term event, trying to send their children to safety »for a week or two, till this mess is over. “And then, very fast, the siege was “normalized…”

This same direct passage from impossibility to normalization is clearly discernible in how state powers and big capital relate to ecological threats like the ice meltdown on the poles. The very same politicians and managers who, till recently, dismissed the fears of global warming as apocalyptic scare-mongering of ex-Communists, or at least as premature conclusions based on insufficient evidence, assuring us that there is no reason for panic, that, basically, things will go on as usual, are now all of a sudden treating global warming as a simple fact, as part of the way things are “going on as usual”… In July 2008, CNN was repeatedly showing a report “The Greening of Greenland,” celebrating the new opportunities that the melting of ice offers to Greenlanders – they can already grow vegetables in the open land, etc. The obscenity of this report is not only that it focuses on the minor benefit of a global catastrophe; to add insult to injury, it plays on the double meaning of “green” in our public speech (“green” for vegetation; “green” for ecological concerns), so that the fact that more vegetation can grow on the Greenland soil because of the global warming is associated with the rising of ecological awareness… Are such phenomena not yet another example of how right Naomi Klein was when, in her Shock Doctrine, she described the way global capitalism exploits catastrophes (wars, political crises, natural disasters) to get rid of the “old” social constraints and impose its agenda on the slate cleared by the catastrophe? Perhaps, the forthcoming ecological disasters, far from undermining capitalism, will serve as its greatest boost.

What gets lost in this shift is the proper sense of what is going on, with all the unexpected traps the catastrophe hides. For example, one of the unpleasant paradoxes of our predicament is that the very attempts to counteract other ecological threats may contribute to the warming of the poles: the ozone hole helps shield the interior of the Antarctic from global warming, so if it will be healed, the Antarctic could quickly catch up with the warming of the rest of the Earth.

One thing at least is sure. In the last decades, it was fashionable to talk about the predominant role of “intellectual labor” in our postindustrial societies – however, materiality is now reasserting itself with a vengeance in all its aspects, from the forthcoming struggle for scarce resources (food, water, energy, minerals, food…) to environmental pollution.

So while we should definitely exploit the opportunities opened up by global warming, we should never forget that we are dealing with a tremendous social and natural catastrophe, and that these opportunities are the by-products of this catastrophe which we should fight with all our means. In adopting a “balanced view,” we act like those who plead for a more “balanced view” on Hitler: true, he killed millions in the camps, but he also abolished unemployment and inflation, built highways, made trains run on time… This new constellation provides the starting point for Dipesh Chakrabarty’s elaboration of the historico-philosophical consequences of the global warming, the main being the collapse of the distinction between human and natural histories:

“For it is no longer a question simply of man having an interactive relation with nature. This humans have always had /…/ Now it is being claimed that humans are a force of nature in the geological sense.”) (”The Climate of History: Four Theses,” Critical Inquiry, Winter 2009)

That is to say, the fact that “humans – thanks to our numbers, the burning of fossil fuel, and other related activities – have become a geological agent on the planet”(209), means that they are able to affect the very balance of life on Earth, so that – “in itself” with the industrial revolution of 1750, “for itself” with global warming – a new geological era began, baptized by some scientists as “Anthropocene.” The way humankind is forced to perceive itself in these new conditions is as a species, as one of the species of life on earth. When the young Marx designated humanity as a “species being /Gattungswesen/,” he means something quite different: that, in contrast to animal species, only humans are a “species being,” i.e., a being which actively relates to itself as a species and is thus “universal” not only in itself, but also for itself. This universality first appears in its alienated-perverted form with capitalism, which connects and unites all of humanity within the same world market; with modern social and scientific development, we are no longer just a mere species among others or yet another natural condition. For the first time in the entire human history, we, humans, collectively constitute ourselves and are aware of it, so that we are also responsible for ourselves: the mode of our survival depends on the maturity of our collective reason… However, the scientists who talk about the Anthropocene ”are saying something quite the contrary. They argue that because humans constitute a particular kind of species they can, in the process of dominating other species, acquire the status of a geologic force. Humans, in other words, have become a natural condition, at lest today.”(214) The standard Marxist counter-argument is here that this shift from Pleistocene to the Anthropocene is entirely due to the explosive development of capitalism and its global impact – and this confronts us with the key question: how are we to think the link between the social history of the Capital and the much larger geologic changes of the conditions for life on the Earth?

“If the industrial way of life was what got us into this crisis, then the question is, why think in terms of species, surely a category that belongs to a much longer history? Why could not the narrative of capitalism – and hence its critique – be sufficient as a framework for interrogating the history of climate change and understanding its consequences? It seems true that the crisis of climate change has been necessitated by the high-energy-consuming model of society that capitalist industrialization has created and promoted, but the current crisis has brought into view certain other conditions for the existence of life in the human form that have no intrinsic connection to the logics of capitalist, nationalist, or socialist identities. They are connected rather to the history of life on this planet, the way different life-forms connect to one another, and the way the mass extinction of one species could spell danger for another. /…/ In other words, whatever our socioeconomic and technological choices, whatever the rights we wish to celebrate as our freedom, we cannot afford to destabilize conditions (such as the temperature zone in which the planet exists) that work like boundary parameters of human existence. These parameters are independent of capitalism or socialism. They have been stable for much longer than the histories of these institutions and have allowed human beings to become the dominant species on earth. Unfortunately, we have now ourselves become a geological agent disturbing these parametric conditions needed for our own existence.” (217-218)

In contrast to nuclear war which would have been the result of a conscious decision of a particular agent, climate change “is an unintended consequence of human action and shows, only through scientific analysis, the effects of our actions as a species.” (221) This threat to the very existence of humanity creates a new sense of “we” which truly encompasses all of humanity: “Climate change, refracted through global capital, will no doubt accentuate the logic of inequality that runs through the rule of capital; some people will no doubt gain temporarily at the expense of others. But the whole crisis cannot be reduced to a story of capitalism. Unlike in the crises of capitalism, there are no lifeboats here for the rich and the privileged (witness the drought in Australia or recent fires in the wealthy neighborhoods of California).” (221) The most appropriate name for this emerging universal subject may be species: “Species may indeed be the name of a placeholder for an emergent, new universal history of humans that flashes up in the moment of the danger that is climate change.” (221) The problem is that this universal is not a Hegelian one, which arises dialectically out of the movement of history and subsumes-mediates all particularities: it “escapes our capacity to experience the world” (222), so it can only give rise to a “negative universal history” (222), not the Hegelian world history as the gradual immanent self-deployment of freedom.

With the idea of humans as species, the universality of the humankind falls back into the particularity of an animal species: phenomena like global warming make us aware that, with all the universality of our theoretical and practical activity, we are at a certain basic level just another living species on the planet Earth. Our survival depends on certain natural parameters which we automatically take for granted. The lesson of the global warming is that the freedom of the humankind was possible only against the background of the stable natural parameters of the life on earth (temperature, the composition of the air, sufficient water and energy supply, etc.): humans can “do what they want” only insofar as they remain marginal enough, so that they don’t seriously perturb the parameters of the life on earth. The limitation of our freedom that becomes palpable with global warming is the paradoxical outcome of the very exponential growth of our freedom and power, i.e., of our growing ability to transform nature around us up to destabilizing the very basic geological parameters of the life on earth. “Nature” thereby literally becomes a socio-historical category, but not in the exalted young Lukacs sense (the content of what is for us (counts for us as) “nature” is always overdetermined by a historically-specified social totality which structures the transcendental horizon of our understanding of nature). It becomes a socio-historical category in the much more radical and literal (ontic) sense of something that is nit just a stable background of human activity, but is affected by it in its very basic components. What is thereby undermined is the basic distinction between nature and human history: nature blindly follows its course, it just has to be explained, while human history has to be understood. Even if its global course is out of control and functions as a Fate which goes against the wishes of most of the people, this “Fate” is the result of the complex interaction of many individual and collective projects and acts based upon certain understanding of what our world is – in history, we confront the result of our own endeavors.

Chakrabarty seems to miss here the full scope of the properly dialectical relationship between the basic geological parameters of the life on earth and the socio-economic dynamic of human development. Of course, the natural parameters of our environment are “independent of capitalism or socialism” – they are a threat to all of us, independently of economic development, political system, etc. However, the fact that their stability was threatened by the dynamic of global capitalism nonetheless has a stronger implication than the one allowed by Chakrabarty: in a way, we have to admit that the Whole is contained by its Part, i.e., that the fate of the Whole (life on earth) hinges on what goes on in what is formally one of its parts (socio-economic mode of production of one of the species on earth). This is why we have to accept the paradox that, in the relation between the universal antagonism (the threatened parameters of the conditions for life on earth) and the particular antagonism (the deadlock of capitalism), the key struggle is the particular one: one can solve the universal problem (of the survival of the human species) only by first resolving the particular deadlock of the capitalist mode of production. In other words, the common-sense reasoning which tells us that, independently of our class position or of our political orientation, we all will have to tackle the ecological crisis if we are to survive, is deeply misleading: the key of the ecological crisis does not reside in ecology as such.

Perhaps, the key to this limitation is Chakrabarty’s simplified notion of the Hegelian dialectics. That is to say, is the idea of a “negative universal history” really anti-Hegelian? Is, on the contrary, the idea that a multiplicity (of humans) totalized (brought together) through a negative external limit (a threat) not Hegelian par excellence? Even more, is not for Hegel every universality ultimately a “negative” one, in the precise sense that it has to appear as such, in its opposition (“negative relationship”) to its own particular-determinate content – recall Hegel’s theory of war. Hegel may appear to celebrate the prosaic character of life in a well-organized modern state where the heroic disturbances are overcome in the tranquillity of private rights and the security of the satisfaction of needs: private property is guaranteed, sexuality is restricted to marriage, future is safe… In this organic order, universality and particular interests appear reconciled: the “infinite right” of subjective singularity is given its due, individuals no longer experience the objective state order as a foreign power intruding onto their rights, they recognize in it the substance and frame of their very freedom. Gerard Lebrun asks here the fateful question: “Can the sentiment of the Universal be dissociated from this appeasement?” The answer is clear: yes, and this is why war is necessary – in war, universality reasserts its right against and over the concrete-organic appeasement in the prosaic social life. Is thus the necessity of war not the ultimate proof that, for Hegel, every social reconciliation is doomed to fail, that no organic social order can effectively contain the force of abstract-universal negativity? This is why social life is condemned to the “spurious infinity” of the eternal oscillation between stable civic life and wartime perturbations.

In other words, Chakrabarty’s dismissal of the Hegelian universality would only hold if we were to reduce what Hegel calls “concrete universality” to the organic-corporate model of a universal order within which every particular moment plays its determinate role, contributing to the wealth of the All. If, however, we bear in mind that the Hegelian “concrete universality” designates a universal which enters into a dialectical tension with its own particular content, i.e., that every universality can only assert (posit) itself “as such” in a negative way, then the idea of nature as not only the self-evident stable background of human activity, but as the unity of the invisible background of and apocalyptic threat to the human species, appears profoundly Hegelian.

It’s Time to Join THE COCKTAIL PARTY « Bully Bloggers

February 24th, 2010 | James Martin

February 20, 2010

It’s Time to Join THE COCKTAIL PARTY « Bully Bloggers

(by Lisa Duggan)
Are you nauseated and frightened by the growth of Tea Party organizing, and the zany old white people in funny hats at the center of the current media blitz? It’s time to fight back! Join The Cocktail Party, a barstool-roots movement for left wing urban homosexuals and the people who love us. The major planks of this new movement’s platform include:

*Nationalize the banks
*Soak the rich with high taxes
*Abolish the Senate
*Abolish the Electoral College
*Free public education through college for all
*Free day care for elders and children
*National health care
*Universal accessibility
*Abolish all student loan, credit card and mortgage debt
*Withdraw from Iraq and Afghanistan, shift resources to the Arts, and to an independent Haiti
*Forgiveness of all debt of developing countries
*Outlaw invidious discrimination
*Abolish prisons for all non violent crime, prioritize community rehabilitation for all crime
*Decriminalize sex work and drugs
*Open borders
*Abolish marriage

via bullybloggers.wordpress.com

Organizing for the Anti-Capitalist Transition

December 17th, 2009 | James Martin

Organizing for the Anti-Capitalist Transition
David Harvey
CUNY Graduate Center, New York.

The historical geography of capitalist development is at a key inflexion point in which the geographical configurations of power are rapidly shifting at the very moment when the temporal dynamic is facing very serious constraints. Three percent compound growth (generally considered the minimum satisfactory growth rate for a healthy capitalist economy) is becoming less and less feasible to sustain without resort to all manner of fictions (such as those that have characterized asset markets and financial affairs over the last two decades). There are good reasons to believe that there is no alternative to a new global order of governance that will eventually have to manage the transition to a zero growth economy. If that is to be done in an equitable way, then there is no alternative to socialism or communism. Since the late 1990s, the World Social Forum became the center for articulating the theme “another world is possible.” It must now take up the task of defining how another socialism or communism is possible and how the transition to these alternatives are to be accomplished. The current crisis offers a window of opportunity to reflect on what might be involved.

The current crisis originated in the steps taken to resolve the crisis of the 1970s. These steps included:

(a) the successful assault upon organized labor and its political institutions while mobilizing global labor surpluses, instituting labor-saving technological changes and heightening competition. The result has been global wage repressions (a declining share of wages in total GDP almost everywhere) and the creation of an even vaster disposable labor reserve living under marginal conditions.

(b) undermining previous structures of monopoly power and displacing the previous stage of (nation state) monopoly capitalism by opening up capitalism to far fiercer international competition. Intensifying global competition translated into lower non-financial corporate profits. Uneven geographical development and inter-territorial competition became key features in capitalist development, opening the way towards the beginnings of a hegemonic shift of power particularly but not exclusively towards East Asia.

(c) utilizing and empowering the most fluid and highly mobile form of capital – money capital – to reallocate capital resources globally (eventually through electronic markets) thus sparking deindustrialization in traditional core regions and new forms of (ultra-oppressive) industrialization and natural resource and agricultural raw material extractions in emergent markets. The corollary was to enhance the profitability of financial corporations and to find new ways to globalize and supposedly absorb risks through the creation of fictitious capital markets.

(d) At the other end of the social scale, this meant heightened reliance on “accumulation by dispossession” as a means to augment capitalist class power. The new rounds of primitive accumulation against indigenous and peasant populations were augmented by asset losses of the lower classes in the core economies (as witnessed by the sub-prime housing market in the US which foisted a huge asset loss particularly upon African American populations.

(e) The augmentation of otherwise sagging effective demand by pushing the debt economy (governmental, corporate and household) to its limits (particularly in the USA and the UK but also in many other countries from Latvia to Dubai).

(f) Compensating for anemic rates of return in production by the construction of whole series of asset market bubbles, all of which had a Ponzi character, culminating in the property bubble that burst in 2007-8. These asset bubbles drew upon finance capital and were facilitated by extensive financial innovations such as derivatives and collateralized debt obligations.

The political forces that coalesced and mobilized behind these transitions had a distinctive class character and clothed themselves in the vestments of a distinctive ideology called neoliberal. The ideology rested upon the idea that free markets, free trade, personal initiative and entrepreneurialism were the best guarantors of individual liberty and freedom and that the “nanny state” should be dismantled for the benefit of all. But the practice entailed that the state must stand behind the integrity of financial institutions, thus introducing (beginning with the Mexican and developing countries debt crisis of 1982) “moral hazard” big time into the financial system. The state (local and national) also became increasingly committed to providing a “good business climate” to attract investments in a highly competitive environment. The interests of the people were secondary to the interests of capital and in the event of a conflict between them, the interests of the people had to be sacrificed (as became standard practice in IMF structural adjustments programs from the early 1980s onwards). The system that has been created amounts to a veritable form of communism for the capitalist class.

These conditions varied considerably, of course, depending upon what part of the world one inhabited, the class relations prevailing there, the political and cultural traditions and how the balance of political-economic power was shifting.

So how can the left negotiate the dynamics of this crisis? At times of crisis, the irrationality of capitalism becomes plain for all to see. Surplus capital and surplus labor exist side-by side with seemingly no way to put them back together in the midst of immense human suffering and unmet needs. In midsummer of 2009, one third of the capital equipment in the United States stood idle, while some 17 per cent of the workforce were either unemployed, enforced part-timers or “discouraged” workers. What could be more irrational than that!

Can capitalism survive the present trauma? Yes. But at what cost? This question masks another. Can the capitalist class reproduce its power in the face of the raft of economic, social, political and geopolitical and environmental difficulties? Again, the answer is a resounding “yes.” But the mass of the people will have to surrender the fruits of their labour to those in power, to surrender many of their rights and their hard-won asset values (in everything from housing to pension rights), and to suffer environmental degradations galore to say nothing of serial reductions in their living standards which means starvation for many of those already struggling to survive at rock bottom. Class inequalities will increase (as we already see happening). All of that may require more than a little political repression, police violence and militarized state control to stifle unrest.

Since much of this is unpredictable and since the spaces of the global economy are so variable, then uncertainties as to outcomes are heightened at times of crisis. All manner of localized possibilities arise for either nascent capitalists in some new space to seize opportunities to challenge older class and territorial hegemonies (as when Silicon Valley replaced Detroit from the mid-1970s onwards in the United States) or for radical movements to challenge the reproduction of an already destabilized class power. To say that the capitalist class and capitalism can survive is not to say that they are predestined to do so nor does it say that their future character is given. Crises are moments of paradox and possibilities.

So what will happen this time around? If we are to get back to three percent growth, then this means finding new and profitable global investment opportunities for $1.6 trillion in 2010 rising to closer to $3 trillion by 2030. This contrasts with the $0.15 trillion new investment needed in 1950 and the $0.42 trillion needed in 1973 (the dollar figures are inflation adjusted). Real problems of finding adequate outlets for surplus capital began to emerge after 1980, even with the opening up of China and the collapse of the Soviet Bloc. The difficulties were in part resolved by creation of fictitious markets where speculation in asset values could take off unhindered. Where will all this investment go now?

Leaving aside the undisputable constraints in the relation to nature (with global warming of paramount importance), the other potential barriers of effective demand in the market place, of technologies and of geographical/ geopolitical distributions are likely to be profound, even supposing, which is unlikely, that no serious active oppositions to continuous capital accumulation and further consolidation of class power materialize. What spaces are left in the global economy for new spatial fixes for capital surplus absorption? China and the ex-Soviet bloc have already been integrated. South and SouthEast Asia is filling up fast. Africa is not yet fully integrated but there is nowhere else with the capacity to absorb all this surplus capital. What new lines of production can be opened up to absorb growth? There may be no effective long-run capitalist solutions (apart from reversion to fictitious capital manipulations) to this crisis of capitalism. At some point quantitative changes lead to qualitative shifts and we need to take seriously the idea that we may be at exactly such an inflexion point in the history of capitalism. Questioning the future of capitalism itself as an adequate social system ought, therefore, to be in the forefront of current debate.

Yet there appears to be little appetite for such discussion, even among the left. Instead we continue to hear the usual conventional mantras regarding the perfectibility of humanity with the help of free markets and free trade, private property and personal responsibility, low taxes and minimalist state involvement in social provision, even though this all sounds increasingly hollow. A crisis of legitimacy looms. But legitimation crises typically unfold at a different pace and rhythm to that of stock markets. It took, for example, three or four years before the stock market crash of 1929 produced the massive social movements (both progressive and fascistic) after 1932 or so. The intensity of the current pursuit by political power of ways to exit the present crisis may have something to do with the political fear of looming illegitimacy.

The last thirty years, however, has seen the emergence of systems of governance that seem immune to legitimacy problems and unconcerned even with the creation of consent. The mix of authoritarianism, monetary corruption of representative democracy, surveillance, policing and militarization (particularly through the war on terror), media control and spin suggests a world in which the control of discontent through disinformation, fragmentations of oppositions and the shaping of oppositional cultures through the promotion of NGOs tends to prevail with plenty of coercive force to back it up if necessary.

The idea that the crisis had systemic origins is scarcely mooted in the mainstream media (even as a few mainstream economists like Stiglitz, Krugman and even Jeffrey Sachs attempt to steal some of the left’s historical thunder by confessing to an epiphany or two). Most of the governmental moves to contain the crisis in North America and Europe amount to the perpetuation of business as usual which translates into support for the capitalist class. The “moral hazard” that was the immediate trigger for the financial failures is being taken to new heights in the bank bail-outs. The actual practices of neoliberalism (as opposed to its utopian theory) always entailed blatant support for finance capital and capitalist elites (usually on the grounds that financial institutions must be protected at all costs and that it is the duty of state power to create a good business climate for solid profiteering). This has not fundamentally changed. Such practices are justified by appeal to the dubious proposition that a “rising tide” of capitalist endeavor will “lift all boats” or that the benefits of compound growth will magically “trickle down” (which it never does except in the form of a few crumbs from the rich folks’ table).

So how will the capitalist class exit the current crisis and how swift will the exit be? The rebound in stock market values from Shanghai and Tokyo to Frankfurt, London and New York is a good sign we are told even as unemployment pretty much everywhere continues to rise. But notice the class bias in that measure. We are enjoined to rejoice in the rebound in stock values for the capitalists because it always precedes, it is said, a rebound in the “real economy” where jobs for the workers are created and incomes earned. The fact that the last stock rebound in the United States after 2002 turned out to be a “jobless recovery” appears to have been forgotten already. The Anglo-Saxon public in particular appears to be seriously afflicted with amnesia. It too easily forgets and forgives the transgressions of the capitalist class and the periodic disasters its actions precipitate. The capitalist media are happy to promote such amnesia.

China and India are still growing, the former by leaps and bounds. But in China’s case, the cost is a huge expansion of bank lending on risky projects (the Chinese banks were not caught up in the global speculative frenzy but now are continuing it). The overaccumulation of productive capacity proceeds a-pace and long-term infrastructural investments whose productivity will not be known for several years, are booming (even in urban property markets). And China’s burgeoning demand is entraining those economies supplying raw materials, like Australia and Chile. The likelihood of a subsequent crash in China cannot be dismissed but it may take time to discern (a long-term version of Dubai). Meanwhile the global epicenter of capitalism accelerates its shift parimarily towards East Asia.

In the older financial centers, the young financial sharks have taken their bonuses of yesteryear, collectively started boutique financial institutions to circle Wall Street and the City of London to sift through the detritus of yesterdays financial giants to snaffle up the juicy bits and start all over again. The investment banks that remain in the US – Goldman Sachs and J.P.Morgan – though reincarnated as bank holding companies have gained exemption (thanks to the Federal Reserve) from regulatory requirements and are making huge profits (and setting aside moneys for huge bonuses to match) out of speculating dangerously using tax-payers money in unregulated and still booming derivative markets. The leveraging that got us into the crisis has resumed big time as if nothing has happened. Innovations in finance are on the march as new ways to package and sell fictitious capital debts are being pioneered and offered to institutions (such as pension funds) desperate to find new outlets for surplus capital. The fictions (as well as the bonuses) are back!

Consortia are buying up foreclosed properties, either waiting for the market to turn before making a killing or banking high value land for a future moment of active redevelopment. The regular banks are stashing away cash, much of it garnered from the public coffers, also with an eye to resuming bonus payments consistent with a former lifestyle while a whole host of entrepreneurs hover in the wings waiting to seize this moment of creative destruction backed by a flood of public moneys.

Meanwhile raw money power wielded by the few undermines all semblances of democratic governance. The pharmaceutical, health insurance and hospital lobbies, for example, spent more than $133 million in the first three months of 2009 to make sure they got their way on health care reform in the United States. Max Baucus, head of the key Senate finance committee that shaped the health care bill received $1.5 million for a bill that delivers a vast number of new clients to the insurance companies with few protections against ruthless exploitation and profiteering (Wall Street is delighted). Another electoral cycle, legally corrupted by immense money power, will soon be upon us. In the United States, the parties of “K Street” and of Wall Street will be duly re-elected as working Americans are exhorted to work their way out of the mess that the ruling class has created. We have been in such dire straits before, we are reminded, and each time working Americans have rolled up their sleeves, tightened their belts, and saved the system from some mysterious mechanics of auto-destruction for which the ruling class denies all responsibility. Personal responsibility is, after all, for the workers and not for the capitalists.

If this is the outline of the exit strategy then almost certainly we will be in another mess within five years. The faster we come out of this crisis and the less excess capital is destroyed now, the less room there will be for the revival of long-term active growth. The loss of asset values at this conjuncture (mid 2009) is, we are told by the IMF, at least $55 trillion, which is equivalent to almost exactly one year’s global output of goods and services. Already we are back to the output levels of 1989. We may be looking at losses of $400 trillion or more before we are through. Indeed, in a recent startling calculation, it was suggested that the US state alone was on the hook to guarantee more than $200 trillion in asset values. The likelihood that all of those assets would go bad is very minimal, but the thought that many of them could is sobering in the extreme. Just to take a concrete example: Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, now taken over by the US Government, own or guarantee more than $5 trillion in home loans many of which are in deep trouble (losses of more than $150 billion were recorded in 2008 alone). So what, then, are the alternatives?

It has long been the dream of many in the world, that an alternative to capitalist (ir)rationality can be defined and rationally arrived at through the mobilization of human passions in the collective search for a better life for all. These alternatives – historically called socialism or communism – have, in various times and places been tried. In former times, such as the 1930s, the vision of one or other of them operated as a beacon of hope. But in recent times they have both lost their luster, been dismissed as wanting, not only because of the failure of historical experiments with communism to make good on their promises and the penchant for communist regimes to cover over their mistakes by repression, but also because of their supposedly flawed presuppositions concerning human nature and the potential perfectibility of the human personality and of human institutions.

The difference between socialism and communism is worth noting. Socialism aims to democratically manage and regulate capitalism in ways that calm its excesses and redistribute its benefits for the common good. It is about spreading the wealth around through progressive taxation arrangements while basic needs – such as education, health care and even housing – are provided by the state out of reach of market forces. Many of the key achievements of redistributive socialism in the period after 1945, not only in Europe but beyond, have become so socially embedded as to be immune from neoliberal assault. Even in the United States, Social Security and Medicare are extremely popular programs that right wing forces find it almost impossible to dislodge. The Thatcherites in Britain could not touch national health care except at the margins. Social provision in Scandinavia and most of Western Europe seems to be an unshakable bed-rock of the social order.

Communism, on the other hand, seeks to displace capitalism by creating an entirely different mode of both production and distribution of goods and services. In the history of actually existing communism, social control over production, exchange and distribution meant state control and systematic state planning. In the long-run this proved to be unsuccessful though, interestingly, its conversion in China (and its earlier adoption in places like Singapore) has proven far more successful than the pure neoliberal model in generating capitalist growth for reasons that cannot be elaborated upon here. Contemporary attempts to revive the communist hypothesis typically abjure state control and look to other forms of collective social organization to displace market forces and capital accumulation as the basis for organizing production and distribution. Horizontally networked as opposed to hierarchically commanded systems of coordination between autonomously organized and self-governing collectives of producers and consumers are envisaged as lying at the core of a new form of communism. Contemporary technologies of communication make such a system seem feasible. All manner of small-scale experiments around the world can be found in which such economic and political forms are being constructed. In this there is a convergence of some sort between the Marxist and anarchist traditions that harks back to the broadly collaborative situation between them in the 1860s in Europe.

While nothing is certain, it could be that 2009 marks the beginning of a prolonged shake out in which the question of grand and far-reaching alternatives to capitalism will step-by-step bubble up to the surface in one part of the world or another. The longer the uncertainty and the misery is prolonged, the more the legitimacy of the existing way of doing business will be questioned and the more the demand to build something different will escalate. Radical as opposed to band-aid reforms to patch up the financial system may seem more necessary.

The uneven development of capitalist practices throughout the world has produced, moreover, anti-capitalist movements all over the place. The state-centric economies of much of East Asia generate different discontents (as in Japan and China) compared to the churning anti-neoliberal struggles occurring throughout much of Latin America where the Bolivarian revolutionary movement of popular power exists in a peculiar relationship to capitalist class interests that have yet to be truly confronted. Differences over tactics and policies in response to the crisis among the states that make up the European Union are increasing even as a second attempt to come up with a unified EU constitution is under way. Revolutionary and resolutely anti-capitalist movements are also to be found, though not all of them are of a progressive sort, in many of the marginal zones of capitalism. Spaces have been opened up within which something radically different in terms of dominant social relations, ways of life, productive capacities and mental conceptions of the world can flourish. This applies as much to the Taliban and to communist rule in Nepal as to the Zapatistas in Chiapas and indigenous movements in Bolivia, the Maoist movements in rural India, even as they are world’s apart in objectives, strategies and tactics.

The central problem is that in aggregate there is no resolute and sufficiently unified anti-capitalist movement that can adequately challenge the reproduction of the capitalist class and the perpetuation of its power on the world stage. Neither is there any obvious way to attack the bastions of privilege for capitalist elites or to curb their inordinate money power and military might. While openings exist towards some alternative social order, no one really knows where or what it is. But just because there is no political force capable of articulating let alone mounting such a program, this is no reason to hold back on outlining alternatives.

Lenin’s famous question “what is to be done?” cannot be answered, to be sure, without some sense of who it is might do it where. But a global anti-capitalist movement is unlikely to emerge without some animating vision of what is to be done and why. A double blockage exists: the lack of an alternative vision prevents the formation of an oppositional movement, while the absence of such a movement precludes the articulation of an alternative. How, then, can this blockage be transcended? The relation between the vision of what is to be done and why, and the formation of a political movement across particular places to do it has to be turned into a spiral. Each has to reinforce the other if anything is actually to get done. Otherwise potential opposition will be forever locked down into a closed circle that frustrates all prospects for constructive change, leaving us vulnerable to perpetual future crises of capitalism with increasingly deadly results. Lenin’s question demands an answer.

The central problem to be addressed is clear enough. Compound growth for ever is not possible and the troubles that have beset the world these last thirty years signal that a limit is looming to continuous capital accumulation that cannot be transcended except by creating fictions that cannot last. Add to this the facts that so many people in the world live in conditions of abject poverty, that environmental degradations are spiraling out of control, that human dignities are everywhere being offended even as the rich are piling up more and more wealth (the number of billionaires in India doubled last year from 27 to 52) under their command and that the levers of political, institutional, judicial, military and media power are under such tight but dogmatic political control as to be incapable of doing much more than perpetuating the status quo and frustrating discontent.

A revolutionary politics that can grasp the nettle of endless compound capital accumulation and eventually shut it down as the prime motor of human history, requires a sophisticated understanding of how social change occurs. The failings of past endeavors to build a lasting socialism and communism have to be avoided and lessons from that immensely complicated history must be learned. Yet the absolute necessity for a coherent anti-capitalist revolutionary movement must also be recognized. The fundamental aim of that movement is to assume social command over both the production and distribution of surpluses.

We urgently need an explicit revolutionary theory suited to our times. I propose a “co-revolutionary theory” derived from an understanding of Marx’s account of how capitalism arose out of feudalism. Social change arises through the dialectical unfolding of relations between seven moments within the body politic of capitalism viewed as an ensemble or assemblage of activities and practices:

a) technological and organizational forms of production, exchange and consumption

b) relations to nature

c) social relations between people

d) mental conceptions of the world, embracing knowledges and cultural understandings and beliefs

e) labor processes and production of specific goods, geographies, services or affects

f ) institutional, legal and governmental arrangements

g) the conduct of daily life that underpins social reproduction.

Each one of these moments is internally dynamic and internally marked by tensions and contradictions (just think of mental conceptions of the world) but all of them are co-dependent and co-evolve in relation to each other. The transition to capitalism entailed a mutually supporting movement across all seven moments. New technologies could not be identified and practices without new mental conceptions of the world (including that of the relation to nature and social relations). Social theorists have the habit of taking just one of the these moments and viewing it as the “silver bullet” that causes all change. We have technological determinists (Tom Friedman), environmental determinists (Jarad Diamond), daily life determinists (Paul Hawkin), labor process determinists (the autonomistas), institutionalists, and so on and so forth. They are all wrong. It is the dialectical motion across all of these moments that really counts even as there is uneven development in that motion.

When capitalism itself undergoes one of its phases of renewal, it does so precisely by co-evolving all moments, obviously not without tensions, struggles, fights and contradictions. But consider how these seven moments were configured around 1970 before the neoliberal surge and consider how they look now and you will see they have all changed in ways that re-define the operative characteristics of capitalism viewed as a non-Hegelian totality.

An anti-capitalist political movement can start anywhere (in labor processes, around mental conceptions, in the relation to nature, in social relations, in the design of revolutionary technologies and organizational forms, out of daily life or through attempts to reform institutional and administrative structures including the reconfiguration of state powers). The trick is to keep the political movement moving from one moment to another in mutually reinforcing ways. This was how capitalism arose out of feudalism and this is how something radically different called communism, socialism or whatever must arise out of capitalism. Previous attempts to create a communist or socialist alternative fatally failed to keep the dialectic between the different moments in motion and failed to embrace the unpredictabilities and uncertainties in the dialectical movement between them. Capitalism has survived precisely by keeping the dialectical movement between the moments going and constructively embracing the inevitable tensions, including crises, that result.

Change arises, of course, out of an existing state of affairs and it has to harness the possibilities immanent within an existing situation. Since the existing situation varies enormously from Nepal, to the Pacific regions of Bolivia, to the deindustrializing cities of Michigan and the still booming cities of Mumbai and Shanghai and the shaken but by no means destroyed financial centers of New York and London, so all manner of experiments in social change in different places and at different geographical scales are both likely and potentially illuminating as ways to make (or not make) another world possible. And in each instance it may seem as if one or other aspect of the existing situation holds the key to a different political future. But the first rule for a global anti-capitalist movement must be: never rely on the unfolding dynamics of one moment without carefully calibrating how relations with all the others are adapting and reverberating.

Feasible future possibilities arise out of the existing state of relations between the different moments. Strategic political interventions within and across the spheres can gradually move the social order onto a different developmental path. This is what wise leaders and forward looking institutions do all the time in local situations, so there is no reason to think there is anything particularly fantastic or utopian about acting in this way. The left has to look to build alliances between and across those working in the distinctive spheres. An anti-capitalist movement has to be far broader than groups mobilizing around social relations or over questions of daily life in themselves. Traditional hostilities between, for example, those with technical, scientific and administrative expertise and those animating social movements on the ground have to be addressed and overcome. We now have to hand, in the example of the climate change movement, a significant example of how such alliances can begin to work.

In this instance the relation to nature is the beginning point, but everyone realizes that something has to give on all the other moments and while there is a wishful politics that wants to see the solution as purely technological, it becomes clearer by the day that daily life, mental conceptions, institutional arrangements, production processes and social relations have to be involved. And all of that means a movement to restructure capitalist society as a whole and to confront the growth logic that underlies the problem in the first place.

There have, however, to be, some loosely agreed upon common objectives in any transitional movement. Some general guiding norms can be set down. These might include (and I just float these norms here for discussion) respect for nature, radical egalitarianism in social relations, institutional arrangements based in some sense of common interests and common property, democratic administrative procedures (as opposed to the monetized shams that now exist), labor processes organized by the direct producers, daily life as the free exploration of new kinds of social relations and living arrangements, mental conceptions that focus on self-realization in service to others and technological and organizational innovations oriented to the pursuit of the common good rather than to supporting militarized power, surveillance and corporate greed. These could be the co-revolutionary points around which social action could converge and rotate. Of course this is utopian! But so what! We cannot afford not to be.

Let me detail one particular aspect of the problem which arise in the place where I work. Ideas have consequences and false ideas can have devastating consequences. Policy failures based on erroneous economic thinking played a crucial role in both the run-up to the debacle of the 1930s and in the seeming inability to find an adequate way out. Though there is no agreement among historians and economists as to exactly what policies failed, it is agreed that the knowledge structure through which the crisis was understood needed to be revolutionized. Keynes and his colleagues accomplished that task. But by the mid-1970s, it became clear that the Keynesian policy tools were no longer working at least in the way they were being applied and it was in this context that monetarism, supply-side theory and the (beautiful) mathematical modelling of micro-economic market behaviors supplanted broad-brush macro-economic Keynesian thinking. The monetarist and narrower neoliberal theoretical frame that dominated after 1980 is now in question. In fact it has disastrously failed.

We need new mental conceptions to understand the world. What might these be and who will produce them, given both the sociological and intellectual malaise that hangs over knowledge production and (equally important) dissemination more generally? The deeply entrenched mental conceptions associated with neoliberal theories and the neoliberalization and corporatization of the universities and the media has played more than a trivial role in the production of the present crisis. For example, the whole question of what to do about the financial system, the banking sector, the state-finance nexus and the power of private property rights, cannot be broached without going outside of the box of conventional thinking. For this to happen will require a revolution in thinking, in places as diverse as the universities, the media and government as well as within the financial institutions themselves.

Karl Marx, while not in any way inclined to embrace philosophical idealism, held that ideas are a material force in history. Mental conceptions constitute, after all, one of the seven moments in his general theory of co-revolutionary change. Autonomous developments and inner conflicts over what mental conceptions shall become hegemonic therefore have an important historical role to play. It was for this reason that Marx (along with Engels) wrote The Communist Manifesto, Capital and innumerable other works. These works provide a systematic critique, albeit incomplete, of capitalism and its crisis tendencies. But as Marx also insisted, it was only when these critical ideas carried over into the fields of institutional arrangements, organizational forms, production systems, daily life, social relations, technologies and relations to nature that the world would truly change.

Since Marx’s goal was to change the world and not merely to understand it, ideas had to be formulated with a certain revolutionary intent. This inevitably meant a conflict with modes of thought more convivial to and useful for the ruling class. The fact that Marx’s oppositional ideas, particularly in recent years, have been the target of repeated repressions and exclusions (to say nothing of bowdlerizations and misrepresentations galore) suggests that his ideas may be too dangerous for the ruling classes to tolerate. While Keynes repeatedly avowed that he had never read Marx, he was surrounded and influenced in the 1930s by many people (like his economist colleague Joan Robinson) who had. While many of them objected vociferously to Marx’s foundational concepts and his dialectical mode of reasoning, they were acutely aware of and deeply affected by some of his more prescient conclusions. It is fair to say, I think, that the Keynesian theory revolution could not have been accomplished without the subversive presence of Marx lurking in the wings.

The trouble in these times is that most people have no idea who Keynes was and what he really stood for while the knowledge of Marx is negligible. The repression of critical and radical currents of thought, or to be more exact the corralling of radicalism within the bounds of multiculturalism, identity politics and cultural choice, creates a lamentable situation within the academy and beyond, no different in principle to having to ask the bankers who made the mess to clean it up with exactly the same tools as they used to get into it. Broad adhesion to post-modern and post-structuralist ideas which celebrate the particular at the expense of big-picture thinking does not help. To be sure, the local and the particular are vitally important and theories that cannot embrace, for example, geographical difference, are worse than useless. But when that fact is used to exclude anything larger than parish politics then the betrayal of the intellectuals and abrogation of their traditional role become complete.

The current populations of academicians, intellectuals and experts in the social sciences and humanities are by and large ill-equipped to undertake the collective task of revolutionizing our knowledge structures. They have, in fact, been deeply implicated in the construction of the new systems of neoliberal governmentality that evade questions of legitimacy and democracy and foster a technocratic authoritarian politics. Few seem predisposed to engage in self-critical reflection. Universities continue to promote the same useless courses on neo classical economic or rational choice political theory as if nothing has happened and the vaunted business schools simply add a course or two on business ethics or how to make money out of other people’s bankruptcies. After all, the crisis arose out of human greed and there is nothing that can be done about that!

The current knowledge structure is clearly dysfunctional and equally clearly illegitimate. The only hope is that a new generation of perceptive students (in the broad sense of all those who seek to know the world) will clearly see it so and insist upon changing it. This happened in the 1960s. At various other critical points in history student inspired movements, recognizing the disjunction between what is happening in the world and what they are being taught and fed by the media, were prepared to do something about it. There are signs, from Tehran to Athens and onto many European university campuses of such a movement. How the new generation of students in China will act must surely be of deep concern in the corridors of political power in Beijing.

A student-led and youthful revolutionary movement, with all of its evident uncertainties and problems, is a necessary but not sufficient condition to produce that revolution in mental conceptions that can lead us to a more rational solution to the current problems of endless growth.

What, more broadly, would happen if an anti-capitalist movement were constituted out of a broad alliance of the alienated, the discontented, the deprived and the dispossessed? The image of all such people everywhere rising up and demanding and achieving their proper place in economic, social and political life, is stirring indeed. It also helps focus on the question of what it is they might demand and what it is that needs to be done.

Revolutionary transformations cannot be accomplished without at the very minimum changing our ideas, abandoning cherished beliefs and prejudices, giving up various daily comforts and rights, submitting to some new daily life regimen, changing our social and political roles, reassigning our rights, duties and responsibilities and altering our behaviors to better conform to collective needs and a common will. The world around us – our geographies – must be radically re-shaped as must our social relations, the relation to nature and all of the other moments in the co-revolutionary process. It is understandable, to some degree, that many prefer a politics of denial to a politics of active confrontation with all of this.

It would also be comforting to think that all of this could be accomplished pacifically and voluntarily, that we would dispossess ourselves, strip ourselves bare, as it were, of all that we now possess that stands in the way of the creation of a more socially just, steady-state social order. But it would be disingenuous to imagine that this could be so, that no active struggle will be involved, including some degree of violence. Capitalism came into the world, as Marx once put it, bathed in blood and fire. Although it might be possible to do a better job of getting out from under it than getting into it, the odds are heavily against any purely pacific passage to the promised land.

There are various broad fractious currents of thought on the left as to how to address the problems that now confront us. There is, first of all, the usual sectarianism stemming from the history of radical action and the articulations of left political theory. Curiously, the one place where amnesia is not so prevalent is within the left (the splits between anarchists and Marxists that occurred back in the 1870s, between Trotskyists, Maoists and orthodox Communists, between the centralizers who want to command the state and the anti-statist autonomists and anarchists). The arguments are so bitter and so fractious, as to sometimes make one think that more amnesia might be a good thing. But beyond these traditional revolutionary sects and political factions, the whole field of political action has undergone a radical transformation since the mid-1970s. The terrain of political struggle and of political possibilities has shifted, both geographically and organizationally.

There are now vast numbers of non-governmental organizations (NGO’s) that play a political role that was scarcely visible before the mid-1970s. Funded by both state and private interests, populated often by idealist thinkers and organizers (they constitute a vast employment program), and for the most part dedicated to single-issue questions (environment, poverty, women’s rights, anti-slavery and trafficking work, etc) they refrain from straight anti-capitalist politics even as they espouse progressive ideas and causes. In some instances, however, they are actively neoliberal, engaging in privatization of state welfare functions or fostering institutional reforms to facilitate market integration of marginalized populations (microcredit and microfinance schemes for low income populations are a classic example of this).

While there are many radical and dedicated practitioners in this NGO world, their work is at best ameliorative. Collectively, they have a spotty record of progressive achievements, although in certain arenas, such as women’s rights, health care and environmental preservation, they can reasonably claim to have made major contributions to human betterment. But revolutionary change by NGO is impossible. They are too constrained by the political and policy stances of their donors. So even though, in supporting local empowerment, they help open up spaces where anti-capitalist alternatives become possible and even support experimentation with such alternatives, they do nothing to prevent the re-absorption of these alternatives into the dominant capitalist practice: they even encourage it. The collective power of NGOs in these times is reflected in the dominant role they play in the World Social Forum, where attempts to forge a global justice movement, a global alternative to neoliberalism, have been concentrated over the last ten years.

The second broad wing of opposition arises out of anarchist, autonomist and grass roots organizations (GROs) which refuse outside funding even as some of them do rely upon some alternative institutional base (such as the Catholic Church with its “base community” initiatives in Latin America or broader church sponsorship of political mobilization in the inner cities of the United States). This group is far from homogeneous (indeed there are bitter disputes among them pitting, for example, social anarchists against those they scathingly refer to as mere “lifestyle” anarchists). There is, however, a common antipathy to negotiation with state power and an emphasis upon civil society as the sphere where change can be accomplished.. The self-organizing powers of people in the daily situations in which they live has to be the basis for any anti-capitalist alternative. Horizontal networking is their preferred organizing model. So-called “solidarity economies” based on bartering, collectives and local production systems is their preferred political economic form. They typically oppose the idea that any central direction might be necessary and reject hierarchical social relations or hierarchical political power structures along with conventional political parties. Organizations of this sort can be found everywhere and in some places have achieved a high degree of political prominence. Some of them are radically anti-capitalist in their stance and espouse revolutionary objectives and in some instances are prepared to advocate sabotage and other forms of disruption (shades of the Red Brigades in Italy, the Baader Meinhoff in Germany and the Weather Underground in the United States in the 1970s). But the effectiveness of all these movements (leaving aside their more violent fringes) is limited by their reluctance and inability to scale up their activism into large-scale organizational forms capable of confronting global problems. The presumption that local action is the only meaningful level of change and that anything that smacks of hierarchy is anti-revolutionary is self-defeating when it comes to larger questions. Yet these movements are unquestionably providing a widespread base for experimentation with anti-capitalist politics.

The third broad trend is given by the transformation that has been occurring in traditional labor organizing and left political parties, varying from social democratic traditions to more radical Trotskyist and Communist forms of political party organization. This trend is not hostile to the conquest of state power or hierarchical forms of organization. Indeed, it regards the latter as necessary to the integration of political organization across a variety of political scales. In the years when social democracy was hegemonic in Europe and even influential in the United States, state control over the distribution of the surplus became a crucial tool to diminish inequalities. The failure to take social control over the production of surpluses and thereby really challenge the power of the capitalist class was the Achilles heel of this political system, but we should not forget the advances that it made even if it is now clearly insufficient to go back to such a political model with its social welfarism and Keynesian economics. The Bolivarian movement in Latin America and the ascent to state power of progressive social democratic governments is one of the most hopeful signs of a resuscitation of a new form of left statism.

Both organized labor and left political parties have taken some hard hits in the advanced capitalist world over the last thirty years. Both have either been convinced or coerced into broad support for neoliberalization, albeit with a somewhat more human face. One way to look upon neoliberalism, as was earlier noted, is as a grand and quite revolutionary movement (led by that self-proclaimed revolutionary figure, Margaret Thatcher) to privatize the surpluses or at least prevent their further socialization.

While there are some signs of recovery of both labor organizing and left politics (as opposed to the “third way” celebrated by New Labor in Britain under Tony Blair and disastrously copied by many social democratic parties in Europe) along with signs of the emergence of more radical political parties in different parts of the world, the exclusive reliance upon a vanguard of workers is now in question as is the ability of those leftist parties that gain some access to political power to have a substantive impact upon the development of capitalism and to cope with the troubled dynamics of crisis-prone accumulation. The performance of the German Green Party in power has hardly been stellar relative to their political stance out of power and social democratic parties have lost their way entirely as a true political force. But left political parties and labor unions are significant still and their takeover of aspects of state power, as with the workers party in Brazil or the Bolivarian movement in Venezuela has had a clear impact on left thinking, not only in Latin America. The complicated problem of how to interpret the role of the Communist Party in China, with its exclusive control over political power, and what its future policies might be about is not easily resolved either.

The co-revolutionary theory earlier laid out would suggest that there is no way that an anti-capitalist social order can be constructed without seizing state power, radically transforming it and re-working the constitutional and institutional framework that currently supports private property, the market system and endless capital accumulation. Inter-state competition and geoconomic and geopolitical struggles over everything from trade and money to questions of hegemony are also far too significant to be left to local social movements or cast aside as too big to contemplate. How the architecture of the state-finance nexus is to be re-worked along with the pressing question of the common measure of value given by money cannot be ignored in the quest to construct alternatives to capitalist political economy. To ignore the state and the dynamics of the inter-state system is therefore a ridiculous idea for any anti-capitalist revolutionary movement to accept.

The fourth broad trend is constituted by all the social movements that are not so much guided by any particular political philosophy or leanings but by the pragmatic need to resist displacement and dispossession (through gentrification, industrial development, dam construction, water privatization, the dismantling of social services and public educational opportunities, or whatever). In this instance the focus on daily life in the city, town, village or wherever provides a material base for political organizing against the threats that state policies and capitalist interests invariably pose to vulnerable populations. These forms of protest politics are massive.

Again, there is a vast array of social movements of this sort, some of which can become radicalized over time as they more and more realize that the problems are systemic rather than particular and local. The bringing together of such social movements into alliances on the land (like the Via Campesina, the landless peasant movement in Brazil or peasants mobilizing against land and resource grabs by capitalist corporations in India) or in urban contexts (the right to the city and take back the land movements in Brazil and now the United States) suggest the way may be open to create broader alliances to discuss and confront the systemic forces that underpin the particularities of gentrification, dam construction, privatization or whatever. More pragmatic rather than driven by ideological preconceptions, these movements nevertheless can arrive at systemic understandings out of their own experience. To the degree that many of them exist in the same space, such as within the metropolis, they can (as supposedly happened with the factory workers in the early stages of the industrial revolution) make common cause and begin to forge, on the basis of their own experience, a consciousness of how capitalism works and what it is that might collectively be done. This is the terrain where the figure of the “organic intellectual” leader, made so much of in Antonio Gramsci’s work, the autodidact who comes to understand the world first hand through bitter experiences, but shapes his or her understanding of capitalism more generally, has a great deal to say. To listen to peasant leaders of the MST in Brazil or the leaders of the anti-corporate land grab movement in India is a privileged education. In this instance the task of the educated alienated and discontented is to magnify the subaltern voice so that attention can be paid to the circumstances of exploitation and repression and the answers that can be shaped into an anti-capitalist program.

The fifth epicenter for social change lies with the emancipatory movements around questions of identity – women, children, gays, racial, ethnic and religious minorities all demand an equal place in the sun – along with the vast array of environmental movements that are not explicitly anti-capitalist. The movements claiming emancipation on each of these issues are geographically uneven and often geographically divided in terms of needs and aspirations. But global conferences on women’s rights (Nairobi in 1985 that led to the Beijing declaration of 1995) and anti-racism (the far more contentious conference in Durban in 2009) are attempting to find common ground, as is true also of the environmental conferences, and there is no question that social relations are changing along all of these dimensions at least in some parts of the world. When cast in narrow essentialist terms, these movements can appear to be antagonistic to class struggle. Certainly within much of the academy they have taken priority of place at the expense of class analysis and political economy. But the feminization of the global labor force, the feminization of poverty almost everywhere and the use of gender disparities as a means of labor control make the emancipation and eventual liberation of women from their repressions a necessary condition for class struggle to sharpen its focus. The same observation applies to all the other identity forms where discrimination or outright repression can be found. Racism and the oppression of women and children were foundational in the rise of capitalism. But capitalism as currently constituted can in principle survive without these forms of discrimination and oppression, though its political ability to do so will be severely curtailed if not mortally wounded in the face of a more unified class force. The modest embrace of multiculturalism and women’s rights within the corporate world, particularly in the United States, provides some evidence of capitalism’s accommodation to these dimensions of social change (including the environment), even as it re-emphasizes the salience of class divisions as the principle dimension for political action.

These five broad tendencies are not mutually exclusive or exhaustive of organizational templates for political action. Some organizations neatly combine aspects of all five tendencies. But there is a lot of work to be done to coalesce these various tendencies around the underlying question: can the world change materially, socially, mentally and politically in such a way as to confront not only the dire state of social and natural relations in so many parts of the world, but also the perpetuation of endless compound growth? This is the question that the alienated and discontented must insist upon asking, again and again, even as they learn from those who experience the pain directly and who are so adept at organizing resistances to the dire consequences of compound growth on the ground.

Communists, Marx and Engels averred in their original conception laid out in The Communist Manifesto, have no political party. They simply constitute themselves at all times and in all places as those who understand the limits, failings and destructive tendencies of the capitalist order as well as the innumerable ideological masks and false legitimations that capitalists and their apologists (particularly in the media) produce in order to perpetuate their singular class power. Communists are all those who work incessantly to produce a different future to that which capitalism portends. This is an interesting definition. While traditional institutionalized communism is as good as dead and buried, there are by this definition millions of de facto communists active among us, willing to act upon their understandings, ready to creatively pursue anti-capitalist imperatives. The Enigma of CapitalIf, as the alternative globalization movement of the late 1990s declared, ‘another world is possible’ then why not also say ‘another communism is possible’? The current circumstances of capitalist development demand something of this sort, if fundamental change is to be achieved.

These notes draw heavily on my forthcoming book, The Enigma of Capital, to be published by Profile Books in April 2010.

by: Jodi Dean

November 29th, 2009 | James Martin

November 28, 2009

Neoliberal arts: 23 Private College Presidents Made More Than $1 Million

The economic situation at private colleges is not quite the same as that in the California system. It’s bad and worsening in a rather different way. For some, the crisis was the depletion of endowments. Aggressive investment practices, the same practices of hedge fund managers and currency traders–accessorized with swagger, arrogance, and the elitism of those who think that their ability to take risks with other people’s money proves their superiority–has meant multi-million dollar declines in endowments and hence in operating budgets. For colleges and universities that depend on tuition for their operating expenses, the collapse in housing values combined with the rise in unemployment has led to a steep decline in the numbers of students willing or able to pay the high price of private tuition.

The new demand–from boards and administrations: cut, cut, cut.

But not everything:

…23 private college presidents made over $1 million in total compensation, and 110 made more than $500,000. Such large pay packages are still relatively new in higher education: as recently as 2002, there were no million-dollar presidents, only four earning more than $800,000, and 27 earning more than $500,000.

Over all, the Chronicle survey found, the median pay for presidents of the 419 private colleges and universities surveyed was $358,746, a 6.5 percent increase over the previous year. Over the last five years, the median presidential pay, adjusted for inflation, grew by 14 percent.

Why is university presidents’ pay going up so much?

“I think the answer you’d get from the governing boards that set these salaries is that it’s a market and it’s increasingly hard to find these people,” said Jeffrey Selingo, editor of The Chronicle of Higher Education, which has published its compensation survey annually since 1993. “That said, almost every year, presidential salaries have gone up faster than inflation, and faster than tuition, which rankles some people on campus.”

via www.nytimes.com

These numbers were from before last fall’s market collapse. What they indicate, however, is the extent to which the boards at private colleges and universities treat and understand higher education in corporate, market, terms. Presidents are CEOs. They are paid and treated like CEOs. The language of markets–how difficult it is to find good people–is telling: what about faculty members, people who have usually dedicated themselves to research, teaching, the production of knowledge for its own sake, what about hiring from within these ranks of those who don’t think of their careers in terms of paychecks?

The response would have to do with fund-raising, no doubt. This is a skill that most faculty have not developed and really don’t care to. Yet, this is misleading because private colleges and universities have fund-raising departments and professionals–paid far less than our presidents–who do this work. The president isn’t the primary fundraiser; he or she is the face of fund-raising; the groundwork is generally done by others, who keep files and accounts and collect information and develop plans and all the rest.

Additionally, as with other CEOs over the last decade, college presidents’ salaries don’t seem to have anything to do with actual achievements–increase in ranking, increase in retention, significant increase in fund-raising. Rather, it is just the neoliberal culture, the one that tells boards that they need to pay more to get the right person–just like they do in business and finance.

And, don’t forget the perks–golden parachutes protecting the highly paid even as someone who is denied tenure faces destitution. To be clear: a college or university president generally receives a large severance package when leaving. So, if he or she has been at a college for 5 years, living in a house provided by the college and collecting, say, half a million a year, he or she will still pocket a million or so when leaving. A faculty member who is denied tenured, someone who has worked at a school for 5-7 years, teaching a heavy load, trying to publish, often with lingering debt from graduate school, and paid probably around 60K a year, will leave with nothing.

The neoliberalization of colleges and universities separates top administrators from faculty. Faculty produce knowledge and graduates. We are knowledge workers. Top administrators, paid in some institutions more than 20 times what entry-level faculty are paid and 40 times what secretaries are paid, are allied with the CEO class and take on their values.

What do their values reflect? A change from liberal arts education to neoliberal arts education. Here’s a list. Feel free to pick and choose–like from a menu of new forms of degradation of intellectual labor:

–research only counts if it leads to profit, security, or control; it is nearly always carried out only at Ivy League and research 1 universities, and then only valuable if connected to or part of large grants; everything else is a waste of time and hence should be squeezed out;

–bookstores are profit-generators; they should be stocked with clothes and gifts;

–libraries are computer-centers; collections and print journals are too expensive, no one needs to visit an archive, research skills are trivial after google; reading takes too long, anyway;

–lectures are boring; only bring in lecturers who are big stars; the rest of the time, forgo lectures and encourage students to talk about how they feel about what they haven’t read;

–teaching is about being well-liked and entertaining; learning should be fun, fun, fun; if it’s not fun, why bother?

–students are to be evaluated according to strictly measurable standards; each assessment should provide predictors of the student’s potential value at generating profit, security, or control; any student activities or pursuits that detract from these are endeavors must be eliminated (creative writing, alcohol, political protests, MMORPGs);

–insecurity and self-doubt should be encouraged, especially if it can be amplified into paranoia; such insecurity and self-doubt will prevent students and faculty from working together against the neoliberal arts institution;

–begin with bribes so as to generate good will and compliance: generous tuition aid packages that insure constant policing and no-risk course choices (the repercussions of losing financial aid are too great); start-up packages for new faculty that require constant grant-writing for matching funds and discourage long-term, creative, or impractical projects (as well as installing suspicion and competitiveness towards other academics);

–spin new revenue generating ventures: leadership programs (who needs followers, cooperation, or actual skills?), abroad programs (tourism for credit); internship programs (paying someone to work for them);

–faculty and support staff are a dime a dozen; make sure they know this; after all, those who can’t do teach and if the egg-heads knew anything they’d be in finance.

An old school approach to liberal arts education (see Michael Berube on this), would emphasize the development of capacities to appreciate different ways of knowing, of asking questions, of thinking about where we are and how we got here. It would tend to view the liberal arts college as a community, a sort of knowledge commons. Neoliberal arts values division, entertainment, and surveillance. It also relies on competition without competition: ranking and evaluating and eliminating even as the propaganda promises that everyone is a winner, a leader, a success-story (it’s rough paying 50K a year to end up just a follower or unemployed with a lot of debt and no skills). It wants education without education, that is, people creative enough to think of new ways to extract money and attention but not so creative that they reject the values forced upon them.

And, the thing is, rejecting neoliberal arts, attacking what college and universities have devolved into over the last 30 years, doesn’t really matter: neoliberalism doesn’t need a large, educated, middle class. It pays the few to exploit the many.

The Desert of the Real

August 25th, 2009 | James Martin

Welcome to the Desert of the Real*
Slavoj Zizek
Alain Badiou identified as the key feature of the XXth century the “passion of the Real /la passion du reel/”1: in contrast to the XIXth century of the utopian or “scientific” projects and ideals, plans about the future, the XXth century aimed at delivering the thing itself, at directly realizing the longer-for New Order. The ultimate and defining experience of the XXth century was the direct experience of the Real as opposed to the everyday social reality – the Real in its extreme violence as the price to be paid for peeling off the deceiving layers of reality. Already in the trenches of the World War I, Carl Schmitt was celebrating the face to face combat as the authentic intersubjective encounter: authenticity resides in the act of violent transgression, from the Lacanian Real – the Thing Antigone confronts when he violates the order of the City – to the Bataillean excess.

As Badiou demonstrated apropos of the Stalinist show trials, this violent effort to distill the pure Real from the elusive reality necessarily ends up in its opposite, in the obsession with pure appearance: in the Stalinist universe, the passion of the Real (ruthless enforcement of the Socialist development) thus culminates in ritualistic stagings of a theatrical spectacle in the truth of which no one believes. The key to this reversal resides in the ultimate impossibility to draw a clear distinction between deceptive reality and some firm positive kernel of the Real: every positive bit of reality is a priori suspicious, since (as we know from Lacan) the Real Thing is ultimately another name for the Void. The pursuit of the Real thus equals total annihilation, a (self)destructive fury within which the only way to trace the distinction between the semblance and the Real is, precisely, to STAGE it in a fake spectacle. The fundamental illusion is here that, once the violent work of purification is done, the New Man will emerge ex nihilo, freed from the filth of the past corruption. Within this horizon, “really-existing men” are reduced to the stock of raw material which can be ruthlessly exploited for the construction of the new – the Stalinist revolutionary definition of man is a circular one: “man is what is to be crushed, stamped on, mercilessly worked over, in order to produce a new man.” We have here the tension between the series of “ordinary” elements (“ordinary” men as the “material” of history) and the exceptional “empty” element (the socialist “New Man,” which is at first nothing but an empty place to be filled up with positive content through the revolutionary turmoil). In a revolution, there is no a priori positive determination of this New Man: a revolution is not legitimized by the positive notion of what Man’s essence, “alienated” in present conditions and to be realized through the revolutionary process, is – the only legitimization of a revolution is negative, a will to break with the Past. One should formulate here things in a very precise way: the reason why the Stalinist fury of purification is so destructive resides in the very fact that it is sustained by the belief that, after the destructive work of purification will be accomplished, SOMETHING WILL REMAIN, the sublime “indivisible remainder,” the paragon of the New. It is in order to conceal the fact that there is nothing beyond that, in a strictly perverse way, the revolutionary has to cling to violence as the only index of his authenticity, and it is as this level that the critics of Stalinism as a rule misperceive the cause of the Communist’s attachment to the Party. Say, when, in 1939-1941 pro-Soviet Communists twice had to change their Party line overnight (after the Soviet-German pact, it was imperialism, not, Fascism, which was elevated to the role of the main enemy; from June 22 1941, when Germany attacked Soviet Union, it was again the popular front against the Fascist beast), the brutality of the imposed changes of position was what attracted them. Along the same lines, the purges themselves exerted an uncanny fascination, especially on intellectuals: their “irrational” cruelty served as a kind of ontological proof, bearing witness to the fact that we are dealing with the Real, not just with empty plans – the Party is ruthlessly brutal, so it means business…

So, if the passion of the Real ends up with the pure semblance of the political theater, then, in an exact inversion, the “postmodern” passion of the semblance of the Last Men ends up in a kind of Real. Recall the phenomenon of “cutters” (mostly women who experience an irresistible urge to cut themselves with razors or otherwise hurt themselves), strictly correlative to the virtualization of our environs: it stands for a desperate strategy to return to the real of the body. As such, cutting is to be contrasted with the standard tattoo inscriptions on the body, which guarantee the subject’s inclusion in the (virtual) symbolic order – with the cutters, the problem is the opposite one, namely the assertion of reality itself. Far from being suicidal, far from signalling a desire for self-annihilation, cutting is a radical attempt to (re)gain a stronghold in reality, or (another aspect of the same phenomenon) to firmly ground our ego in our bodily reality, against the unbearable anxiety of perceiving oneself as non-existing. The standard report of cutters is that, after seeing the red warm blood flowing out of the self-inflicted wound, the feel alive again, firmly rooted in reality. So, although, of course, cutting is a pathological phenomenon, it is nonetheless a pathological attempt at regaining some kind of normalcy, at avoiding a total psychotic breakdown. On today’s market, we find a whole series of products deprived of their malignant property: coffee without caffeine, cream without fat, beer without alcohol… Virtual Reality simply generalizesthis procedure of offering a product deprived of its substance: it provides reality itself deprived of its substance, of the resisting hard kernel of the Real – in the same way decaffeinated coffee smells and tastes like the real coffee without being the real one, Virtual Reality is experienced as reality without being one. However, at the end of this process of virtualization, the inevitable Benthamian conclusion awaits us: reality is its own best semblance.

And was the bombing of the WTC with regard to the Hollywood catastrophe movies not like the snuff pornography versus ordinary sado-maso porno movies? This is the element of truth in Karl-Heinz Stockhausen’s provocative statement that the planes hitting the WTC towers was the ultimate work of art: one can effectively perceive the collapse of the WTC towers as the climactic conclusion of the XXth century art’s “passion of the real” – the “terrorists” themselves did it not do it primarily to provoke real material damage, but FOR THE SPECTACULAR EFFECT OF IT. The authentic XXth century passion to penetrate the Real Thing (ultimately, the destructive Void) through the cobweb of semblances which constitute our reality thus culminates in the thrill of the Real as the ultimate “effect,” sought after from digitalized special effects through reality TV and amateur pornography up to snuff movies. Snuff movies which deliver the “real thing” are perhaps the ultimate truth of virtual reality. There is an intimate connection between virtualization of reality and the emergence of an infinite and infinitized bodily pain, much stronger that the usual one: do biogenetics and Virtual Reality combined not open up new “enhanced” possibilities of TORTURE, new and unheard-of horizons of extending our ability to endure pain (through widening our sensory capacity to sustain pain, through inventing new forms of inflicting it)? Perhaps, the ultimate Sadean image on an “undead” victim of the torture who can sustain endless pain without having at his/her disposal the escape into death, also waits to become reality.

The ultimate American paranoiac fantasy is that of an individual living in a small idyllic Californian city, a consumerist paradise, who suddenly starts to suspect that the world he lives in is a fake, a spectacle staged to convince him that he lives in a real world, while all people around him are effectively actors and extras in a gigantic show. The most recent example of this is Peter Weir’s The Truman Show (1998), with Jim Carrey playing the small town clerk who gradually discovers the truth that he is the hero of a 24-hours permanent TV show: his hometown is constructed on a gigantic studio set, with cameras following him permanently. Among its predecessors, it is worth mentioning Philip Dick’s Time Out of Joint (1959), in which a hero living a modest daily life in a small idyllic Californian city of the late 50s, gradually discovers that the whole town is a fake staged to keep him satisfied… The underlying experience of Time Out of Joint and of The Truman Show is that the late capitalist consumerist Californian paradise is, in its very hyper-reality, in a way IRREAL, substanceless, deprived of the material inertia. And the same “derealization” of the horror went on after the WTC bombings: while the number of 6000 victims is repeated all the time, it is surprising how little of the actual carnage we see – no dismembered bodies, no blood, no desperate faces of the dying people… in clear contrast to the reporting from the Third World catastrophies where the whole point was to produce a scoop of some gruesome detail: Somalis dying of hunger, raped Bosnian women, men with throats cut. These shots were always accompanied with the advance-warning that “some of the images you will see are extremely graphic and may hurt children” – a warning which we NEVER heard in the reports on the WTC collapse. Is this not yet another proof of how, even in this tragic moments, the distance which separates Us from Them, from their reality, is maintained: the real horror happens THERE, not HERE? /”2

So it is not only that Hollywood stages a semblance of real life deprived of the weight and inertia of materiality – in the late capitalist consumerist society, “real social life” itself somehow acquires the features of a staged fake, with our neighbors behaving in “real” life as stage actors and extras… Again, the ultimate truth of the capitalist utilitarian de-spiritualized universe is the de-materialization of the “real life” itself, its reversal into a spectral show. Among others, Christopher Isherwood gave expression to this unreality of the American daily life, exemplified in the motel room: “American motels are unreal! /…/ they are deliberately designed to be unreal. /…/ The Europeans hate us because we’ve retired to live inside our advertisements, like hermits going into caves to contemplate.” Peter Sloterdijk’s notion of the “sphere” is here literally realized, as the gigantic metal sphere that envelopes and isolates the entire city. Years ago, a series of science-fiction films like Zardoz or Logan’s Run forecasted today’s postmodern predicament by extending this fantasy to the community itself: the isolated group living an aseptic life in a secluded area longs for the experience of the real world of material decay. Is the endlessly repeated shot of the plane approaching and hitting the second WTC tower not the real-life version of the famous scene from Hitchcock’s Birds, superbly analyzed by Raymond Bellour, in which Melanie approaches the Bodega Bay pier after crossing the bay on the small boat? When, while approaching the wharf, she waves to her (future) lover, a single bird (first perceived as an undistinguished dark blot) unexpectedly enters the frame from above right and hits her head.3 Was the plane which hit the WTC tower not literally the ultimate Hitchcockian blot, the anamorphic stain which denaturalized the idyllic well-known New York landscape?

The Wachowski brothers’ hit Matrix (1999) brought this logic to its climax: the material reality we all experience and see around us is a virtual one, generated and coordinated by a gigantic mega-computer to which we are all attached; when the hero (played by Keanu Reeves) awakens into the “real reality,” he sees a desolate landscape littered with burned ruins – what remained of Chicago after a global war. The resistance leader Morpheus utters the ironic greeting: “Welcome to the desert of the real.” Was it not something of the similar order that took place in New York on September 11? Its citizens were introduced to the “desert of the real” – to us, corrupted by Hollywood, the landscape and the shots we saw of the collapsing towers could not but remind us of the most breathtaking scenes in the catastrophe big productions.

When we hear how the bombings were a totally unexpected shock, how the unimaginable Impossible happened, one should recall the other defining catastrophe from the beginning of the XXth century, that of Titanic: it was also a shock, but the space for it was already prepared in ideological fantasizing, since Titanic was the symbol of the might of the XIXth century industrial civilization. Does the same not hold also for these bombings? Not only were the media bombarding us all the time with the talk about the terrorist threat; this threat was also obviously libidinally invested – just recall the series of movies fromEscape From New York to Independence Day. Therein resides the rationale of the often-mentioned association of the attacks with the Hollywood disaster movies: the unthinkable which happened was the object of fantasy, so that, in a way, America got what it fantasized about, and this was the greatest surprise.

One should therefore turn around the standard reading according to which, the WTC explosions were the intrusion of the Real which shattered our illusory Sphere: quite on the contrary, it is prior to the WTC collapse than we lived in our reality, perceiving the Third World horrors as something which is not effectively part of our social reality, as something which exists (for us) as a spectral apparition on the (TV) screen – and what happened on September 11 is that this screen fantasmatic apparition entered our reality. It is not that reality entered our image: the image entered and shattered our reality (i.e., the symbolic coordinates which determine what we experience as reality). The fact that, after September 11, the opening of many “of the blockbuster” movies with scenes which bear a resemblance to the WTC collapse (large buildings on fire or under attack, terrorist actions…) was postponed (or the films were even shelved), is thus to be read as the “repression” of the fantasmatic backgroundresponsible for the impact of the WTC collapse. Of course, the point is not to play a pseudo-postmodern game of reducing the WTC collapse to just another media spectacle, reading it as a catastrophy version of the snuff porno movies; the question we should have asked ourselves when we stared at the TV screens on September 11 is simply: WHERE DID WE ALREADY SEE THE SAME THING OVER AND OVER AGAIN?

It is precisely now, when we are dealing with the raw Real of a catastrophe, that we should bear in mind the ideological and fantasmatic coordinates which determine its perception. If there is any symbolism in the collapse of the WTC towers, it is not so much the old-fashioned notion of the “center of financial capitalism,” but, rather, the notion that the two WTC towers stood for the center of the VIRTUAL capitalism, of financial speculations disconnected from the sphere of material production. The shattering impact of the bombings can only be accounted for only against the background of the borderline which today separates the digitalized First World from the Third World “desert of the Real.” It is the awareness that we live in an insulated artificial universe which generates the notion that some ominous agent is threatening us all the time with total destruction.

Is, consequently, Osama Bin Laden, the suspected mastermind behind the bombings, not the real-life counterpart of Ernst Stavro Blofeld, the master-criminal in most of the James Bond films, involved in the acts of global destruction. What one should recall here is that the only place in Hollywood films where we see the production process in all its intensity is when James Bond penetrates the master-criminal’s secret domain and locates there the site of intense labor (distilling and packaging the drugs, constructing a rocket that will destroy New York…). When the master-criminal, after capturing Bond, usually takes him on a tour of his illegal factory, is this not the closest Hollywood comes to the socialist-realist proud presentation of the production in a factory? And the function of Bond’s intervention, of course, is to explode in firecraks this site of production, allowing us to return to the daily semblance of our existence in a world with the “disappearing working class.” Is it not that, in the exploding WTC towers, this violence directed at the threatening Outside turned back at us?

The safe Sphere in which Americans live is experienced as under threat from the Outside of terrorist attackers who are ruthlessly self-sacrificing AND cowards, cunningly intelligent AND primitive barbarians. The letters of the deceased attackers are quoted as “chilling documents” – why? Are they not exactly what one would expect from dedicated fighters on a suicidal mission? If one takes away references to Koran, in what do they differ from, say, the CIA special manuals? Were the CIA manuals for the Nicaraguan contras with detailed descriptions on how to perturb the daily life, up to how to clog the water toilets, not of the same order – if anything, MORE cowardly? When, on September 25, 2001, the Taliban leader Mullah Mohammad Omar appealed to Americans to use their own judgement in responding to the devastating attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon rather than blindly following their government’s policy to attack his country (“You accept everything your government says, whether it is true or false. /…/ Don’t you have your own thinking? /…/ So it will be better for you to use your sense and understanding.”), were these statements, taken in a literal-abstract, decontextualized, sense, not quite appropriate? Today, more than ever, one should bear in mind that the large majority of Arabs are not fanaticized dark crowds, but scared, uncertain, aware of their fragile status – witness the anxiety the bombings caused in Egypt.

Whenever we encounter such a purely evil Outside, we should gather the courage to endorse the Hegelian lesson: in this pure Outside, we should recognize the distilled version of our own essence. For the last five centuries, the (relative) prosperity and peace of the “civilized” West was bought by the export of ruthless violence and destruction into the “barbarian” Outside: the long story from the conquest of America to the slaughter in Congo. Cruel and indifferent as it may sound, we should also, now more than ever, bear in mind that the actual effect of these bombings is much more symbolic than real: in Africa, EVERY SINGLE DAY more people die of AIDS than all the victims of the WTC collapse, and their death could have been easily cut back with relatively small financial means. The US just got the taste of what goes on around the world on a daily basis, from Sarajevo to Grozny, from Ruanda and Congo to Sierra Leone. If one adds to the situation in New York rapist gangs and a dozen or so snipers blindly targeting people who walk along the streets, one gets an idea about what Sarajevo was a decade ago.

When, days after September 11 2001, our gaze was transfixed by the images of the plane hitting one of the WTC towers, all of us were forced to experience what the “compulsion to repeat” ansjouissance beyond the pleasure principle are: we wanted to see it again and again, the same shots were repeated ad nauseam, and the uncanny satisfaction we got from it was jouissance at its purest. It is when we watched on TV screen the two WTC towers collapsing, that it became possible to experience the falsity of the “reality TV shows”: even if these shows are “for real,” people still actin them – they simply play themselves. The standard disclaimer in a novel (“characters in this text are a fiction, every resemblance with the real life characters is purely contingent”) holds also for the participants of the reality soaps: what we see there are fictional characters, even if they play themselves for the real. Of course, the “return to the Real” can be given different twists: one already hears some conservatives claim that what made us so vulnerable is our very openness – with the inevitable conclusion lurking in the background that, if we are to protect our “way of life,” we will have to sacrifice some of our freedoms which were “misused” by the enemies of freedom. This logic should be rejected tout court: is it not a fact that our First World “open” countries are the most controlled countries in the entire history of humanity? In the United Kingdom, all public spaces, from buses to shopping malls, are constantly videotaped, not to mention the almost total control of all forms of digital communication.

Along the same lines, Rightist commentators like George Will also immediately proclaimed the end of the American “holiday from history” – the impact of reality shattering the isolated tower of the liberal tolerant attitude and the Cultural Studies focus on textuality. Now, we are forced to strike back, to deal with real enemies in the real world… However, WHOM to strike? Whatever the response, it will never hit the RIGHT target, bringing us full satisfaction. The ridicule of America attacking Afghanistan cannot but strike the eye: if the greatest power in the world will destroy one of the poorest countries in which peasant barely survive on barren hills, will this not be the ultimate case of the impotent acting out? Afghanistan is otherwise an ideal target: a country ALREADY reduced to rubble, with no infrastructure, repeatedly destroyed by war for the last two decades… one cannot avoid the surmise that the choice of Afghanistan will be also determined by economic considerations: is it not the best procedure to act out one’s anger at a country for which no one cares and where there is nothing to destroy? Unfortunately, the possible choice of Afghanistan recalls the anecdote about the madman who searches for the lost key beneath a street light; when asked why there when he lost the key in a dark corner backwards, he answers: “But it is easier to search under strong light!” Is not the ultimate irony that the whole of Kabul already looks like downtown Manhattan?

To succumb to the urge to act now and retaliate means precisely to avoid confronting the true dimensions of what occurred on September 11 – it means an act whose true aim is to lull us into the secure conviction that nothing has REALLY changed. The true long-term threat are further acts of mass terror in comparison to which the memory of the WTC collapse will pale – acts less spectacular, but much more horrifying. What about bacteriological warfare, what about the use of lethal gas, what about the prospect of the DNA terrorism (developing poisons which will affect only people who share a determinate genome)? In contrast to Marx who relied on the notion of fetish as a solid object whose stable presence obfuscates its social mediation, one should assert that fetishism reaches its acme precisely when the fetish itself is “dematerialized,” turned into a fluid “immaterial” virtual entity; money fetishism will culminate with the passage to its electronic form, when the last traces of its materiality will disappear – it is only at this stage that it will assume the form of an indestructible spectral presence: I owe you 1000 $, and no matter how many material notes I burn, I still owe you 1000 $, the debt is inscribed somewhere in the virtual digital space… Does the same not hold also for warfare? Far from pointing towards the XXIth century warfare, the WTC twin towers explosion and collapse in September 2001 were rather the last spectacular cry of the XXth century warfare. What awaits us is something much more uncanny: the specter of an “immaterial” war where the attack is invisible – viruses, poisons which can be anywhere and nowhere. At the level of visible material reality, nothing happens, no big explosions, and yet the known universe starts to collapse, life disintegrates… We are entering a new era of paranoiac warfare in which the biggest task will be to identify the enemy and his weapons. Instead of a quick acting out, one should confront these difficult questions: what will “war” mean in the XXIst century? Who will be “them,” if they are, clearly, neither states nor criminal gangs? One cannot resist the temptation to recall here the Freudian opposition of the public Law and its obscene superego double: are, along the same line, the “international terrorist organizations” not the obscene double of the big multinational corporations – the ultimate rhizomatic machine, all-present, although with no clear territorial base? Are they not the form in which nationalist and/or religious “fundamentalism” accommodated itself to global capitalism? Do they not embody the ultimate contrafiction, with their particular/exclusive content and their global dynamic functioning?

There is a partial truth in the notion of the “clash of civilizations” attested here – witness the surprise of the average American: “How is it possible that these people display and practice such a disregard for their own lives?” Is the obverse of this surprise not the rather sad fact that we, in the First World countries, find it more and more difficult even to imagine a public or universal Cause for which one would be ready to sacrifice one’s life? When, after the bombings, even the Taliban foreign minister said that he can “feel the pain” of the American children, did he not thereby confirm the hegemonic ideological role of this Bill Clinton’s trademark phrase? It effectively appears as if the split between First World and Third World runs more and more along the lines of the opposition between leading a long satisfying life full of material and cultural wealth, and dedicating one’s life to some transcendent Cause. Two philosophical references immediately impose themselves apropos this ideological antagonism between the Western consummerist way of life and the Muslim radicalism: Hegel and Nietzsche. Is this antagonism not the one between what Nietzsche called “passive” and “active” nihilism? We in the West are the Nietzschean Last Men, immersed in stupid daily pleasures, while the Muslim radicals are ready to risk everything, engaged in the struggle up to their self-destruction. (One cannot but note the significant role of the stock exchange in the bombings: the ultimate proof of their traumatic impact was that the New York Stock Exchange was closed for four days, and its opening the following Monday was presented as the key sign of things returning to normal.) Furthermore, if one perceives this opposition through the lenses of the Hegelian struggle between Master and Servant, one cannot avoid noting the paradox: although we in the West are perceived as exploiting masters, it is us who occupy the position of the Servant who, since he clings to life and its pleasures, is unable to risk his life (recall Colin Powell’s notion of a high-tech war with no human casualties), while the poor Muslim radicals are Masters ready to risk their life…

However, this notion of the “clash of civilizations” has to be thoroughly rejected: what we are witnessing today are rather clashes WITHIN each civilization. Furthermore, a brief look at the comparative history of Islam and Christianity tells us that the “human rights record” of Islam (to use this anachronistic term) is much better than that of Christianity: in the past centuries, Islam was significantly more tolerant towards other religions than Christianity. NOW it is also the time to remember that it was through the Arabs that, in the Middle Ages, we in the Western Europe regained access to our Ancient Greek legacy. While in no way excusing today’s horror acts, these facts nonetheless clearly demonstrate that we are not dealing with a feature inscribed into Islam “as such,” but with the outcome of modern socio-political conditions.

On a closer look, what IS this “clash of civilizations” effectively about? Are all real-life “clashes” not clearly related to global capitalism? The Muslim “fundamentalist” target is not only global capitalism’s corroding impact on social life, but ALSO the corrupted “traditionalist” regimes in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, etc. The most horrifying slaughters (those in Ruanda, Kongo, and Sierra Leone) not only took place – and are taking place – within the SAME “civilization,” but are also clearly related to the interplay of global economic interests. Even in the few cases which would vaguely fit the definition of the “clash of civilisations” (Bosnia and Kosovo, south of Sudan, etc.), the shadow of other interests is easily discernible.

Every feature attributed to the Other is already present in the very heart of the US: murderous fanaticism? There are today in the US itself more than two millions of the Rightist populist “fundamentalists” who also practice the terror of their own, legitimized by (their understanding of) Christianity. Since America is in a way “harboring” them, should the US Army have punished the US themselves after the Oklashoma bombing? And what about the way Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson reacted to the bombings, perceiving them as a sign that God lifted up its protection of the US because of the sinful lives of the Americans, putting the blame on hedonist materialism, liberalism, and rampant sexuality, and claiming that America got what it deserved? The fact that very same condemnation of the “liberal” America as the one from the Muslim Other came from the very heart of the Amerique profonde should give as to think. America as a safe haven? When a New Yorker commented on how, after the bombings, one can no longer walk safely on the city’s streets, the irony of it was that, well before the bombings, the streets of New York were well-known for the dangers of being attacked or, at least, mugged – if anything, the bombings gave rise to a new sense of solidarity, with the scenes of young African-Americans helping an old Jewish gentlemen to cross the street, scenes unimaginable a couple of days ago.

Now, in the days immediately following the bombings, it is as if we dwell in the unique time between a traumatic event and its symbolic impact, like in those brief moment after we are deeply cut, and before the full extent of the pain strikes us – it is open how the events will be symbolized, what their symbolic efficiency will be, what acts they will be evoked to justify. If nothing else, one can clearly experience yet again the limitation of our democracy: decisions are being made which will affect the fate of all of us, and all of us just wait, aware that we are utterly powerless. Even here, in these moments of utmost tension, this link is not automatic but contingent. There are already the first bad omens, like the sudden resurrection, in the public discourse, of the old Cold war term “free world”: the struggle is now the one between the “free world” and the forces of darkness and terror. The question to be asked here is, of course: who then belongs to the UNFREE world? Are, say, China or Egypt part of this free world? The actual message is, of course, that the old division between the Western liberal-democratic countries and all the others is again enforced.

The day after the bombing, I got a message from a journal which was just about to publish a longer text of mine on Lenin, telling me that they decided to postpone its publication – they considered inopportune to publish a text on Lenin immediately after the bombing. Does this not points towards the ominous ideological rearticulations which will follow, with a newBerufsverbot (prohibition to employ radicals) much stronger and more widespread than the one in the Germany of the 70s? These days, one often hears the phrase that the struggle is now the one for democracy – true, but not quite in the way this phrase is usually meant. Already, some Leftist friends of mine wrote me that, in these difficult moments, it is better to keep one’s head down and not push forward with our agenda. Against this temptation to duck out the crisis, one should insist that NOW the Left should provide a better analysis – otherwise, it concedes in advance its political AND ethical defeat in the face of the acts of quite genuine ordinary people heroism (like the passengers who, in a model of rational ethical act, overtook the kidnappers and provokes the early crush of the plane: if one is condemned to die soon, one should gather the strength and die in such a way as to prevent other people dying).

When, in the aftermath of September 11, the Americans en masserediscovered their American pride, displaying flags and singing together in the public, one should emphasize more than ever that there is nothing “innocent” in this rediscovery of the American innocence, in getting rid of the sense of historical guilt or irony which prevented many of them to fully assume being American. What this gesture amounted to was to “objectively” assume the burden of all that being “American” stood for in the past – an exemplary case of ideological interpellation, of fully assuming one’s symbolic mandate, which enters the stage after the perplexity caused by some historical trauma. In the traumatic aftermath of September 11, when the old security seemed momentarily shattered, what more “natural” gesture than to take refuge in the innocence of the firm ideological identification? 4However, it is precisely such moments of transparent innocence, of “return to basics,” when the gesture of identification seems “natural,” that are, from the standpoint of the critique of ideology, the most obscure one’s, even, in a certain way,obscurity itself. Let us recall another such innocently-transparent moment, the endlessly reproduced video-shot from Beijing’s Avenue of Eternal Piece at the height of the “troubles” in 1989, of a tiny young man with a can who, alone, stands in front of an advancing gigantic tank, and courageously tries to prevent its advance, so that, when the tank tries to bypass him by turning right or left, them man also moves aside, again standing in its way:
“The representation is so powerful that it demolishes all other understandings. This streetscene, this time and this event, have come to constitute the compass point for virtually all Western journeys into the interior of the contemporary political and cultural life of China.”5
And, again, this very moment of transparent clarity (things are rendered at their utmost naked: a single man against the raw force of the State) is, for our Western gaze, sustained by a cobweb of ideological implications, embodying a series of oppositions: individual versus state, peaceful resistance versus state violence, man versus machine, the inner force of a tiny individual versus the impotence of the powerful machine… These implications, against the background of which the shot exerts its full direct impact, these “mediations” which sustain the shot’s immediate impact, are NOT present for a Chinese observer, since the above-mentioned series of oppositions is inherent to the European ideological legacy. And the same ideological background also overdetermines, say, our perception of the horrifying images of tiny individuals jumping from the burning WTC tower into certain death.

So what about the phrase which reverberates everywhere, “Nothing will be the same after September 11″? Significantly, this phrase is never further elaborated – it just an empty gesture of saying something “deep” without really knowing what we want to say. So our first reaction to it should be: Really? Is it, rather, not that the only thing that effectively changed was that America was forced to realize the kind of world it was part of? On the other hand, such changes in perception are never without consequences, since the way we perceive our situation determines the way we act in it. Recall the processes of collapse of a political regime, say, the collapse of the Communist regimes in the Eastern Europe in 1990: at a certain moment, people all of a sudden became aware that the game is over, that the Communists are lost. The break was purely symbolic, nothing changed “in reality” – and, nonetheless, from this moment on, the final collapse of the regime was just a question of days… What if something of the same order DID occur on September 11?

We don’t yet know what consequences in economy, ideology, politics, war, this event will have, but one thing is sure: the US, which, till now, perceived itself as an island exempted from this kind of violence, witnessing this kind of things only from the safe distance of the TV screen, is now directly involved. So the alternative is: will Americans decide to fortify further their “sphere,” or to risk stepping out of it? Either America will persist in, strengthen even, the deeply immoral attitude of “Why should this happen to us? Things like this don’t happen HERE!”, leading to more aggressivity towards the threatening Outside, in short: to a paranoiac acting out. Or America will finally risk stepping through the fantasmatic screen separating it from the Outside World, accepting its arrival into the Real world, making the long-overdued move from “A thing like this should not happen HERE!” to “A thing like this should not happen ANYWHERE!”. Therein resides the true lesson of the bombings: the only way to ensure that it will not happen HERE again is to prevent it going on ANYWHERE ELSE. In short, America should learn to humbly accept its own vulnerability as part of this world, enacting the punishment of those responsible as a sad duty, not as an exhilarating retaliation.

The WTC bombings again confront us with the necessity to resist the temptation of a double blackmail. If one simply, only and unconditionally condemns it, one cannot but appear to endorse the blatantly ideological position of the American innocence under attack by the Third World Evil; if one draws attention to the deeper socio-political causes of the Arab extremism, one cannot but appear to blame the victim which ultimately got what it deserved… The only consequent solution is here to reject this very opposition and to adopt both positions simultaneously, which can only be done if one resorts to the dialectical category oftotality: there is no choice between these two positions, each one is one-sided and false. Far from offering a case apropos of which one can adopt a clear ethical stance, we encounter here the limit of moral reasoning: from the moral standpoint, the victims are innocent, the act was an abominable crime; however, this very innocence is not innocent – to adopt such an “innocent” position in today’s global capitalist universe is in itself a false abstraction. The same goes for the more ideological clash of interpretations: one can claim that the attack on the WTC was an attack on what is worth fighting for in democratic freedoms – the decadent Western way of life condemned by Muslim and other fundamentalists is the universe of women’s rights and multiculturalist tolerance; however, one can also claim that it was an attack on the very center and symbol of global financial capitalism. This, of course, in no way entails the compromise notion of shared guilt (terrorists are to blame, but, partially, also Americans are also to blame…) – the point is, rather, that the two sides are not really opposed, that they belong to the same field. The fact that global capitalism is a totality means that it is the dialectical unity of itself and of its other, of the forces which resist it on “fundamentalist” ideological grounds.

Consequently, of the two main stories which emerged after September 11, both are worse, as Stalin would have put it. The American patriotic narrative – the innocence under siege, the surge of patriotic pride – is, of course, vain; however, is the Leftist narrative (with its Schadenfreude: the US got what they deserved, what they were for decades doing to others) really any better? The predominant reaction of European, but also American, Leftists was nothing less than scandalous: all imaginable stupidities were said and written, up to the “feminist” point that the WTC towers were two phallic symbols, waiting to be destroyed (“castrated”). Was there not something petty and miserable in the mathematics reminding one of the holocaust revisionism (what are the 6000 dead against millions in Ruanda, Kongo, etc.)? And what about the fact that CIA (co)created Taliban and Bin Laden, financing and helping them to fight the Soviets in Afghanistan? Why was this fact quoted as an argument AGAINST attacking them? Would it not be much more logical to claim that it is precisely their duty to get us rid of the monster they created? The moment one thinks in the terms of “yes, the WTC collapse was a tragedy, but one should not fully solidarize with the victims, since this would mean supporting US imperialism,” the ethical catastrophy is already here: the only appropriate stance is the unconditional solidarity will ALL victims. The ethical stance proper is here replaced with the moralizing mathematics of guilt and horror which misses the key point: the terrifying death of each individual is absolute and incomparable. In short, let us make a simple mental experiment: if you detect in yourself any restraint to fully empathize with the victims of the WTC collapse, if you feel the urge to qualify your empathy with “yes, but what about the millions who suffer in Africa…”, you are not demonstrating your Third World sympathize, but merely the mauvaise foi which bears witness to your implicit patronizing racist attitude towards the Third World victims. (More precisely, the problem with such comparative statements is that they are necessary and inadmissible: one HAS to make them, one HAS to make the point that much worse horrors are taken place around the world on a daily basis – but one has to do it without getting involved in the obscene mathematics of guilt.)

It must be said that, within the scope of these two extremes (the violent retaliatory act versus the new reflection about the global situation and America’s role in it), the reaction of the Western powers till now was surprisingly considerate (no wonder it caused the violent anti-American outburst of Ariel Sharon!). Perhaps the greatest irony of the situation is that the main “collateral damage” of the Western reaction is the focus on the plight of the Afghani refugees, and, more generally, on the catastrophic food and health situation in Afghanistan, so that, sometimes, military action against Taliban is almost presented as a means to guarantee the safe delivery of the humanitarian aid – as Tony Blair said, perhaps, we will have to bomb Taliban in order to secure the food transportation and distribution. Although, of course, such large-scale publicized humanitarian actions are in themselves ideologically charged, involving the debilitating degradation of the Afghani people to helpless victims, and reducing the Taliban to a parasite terrorizing them, it is significant to acknowledge that the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan presents a much larger catastrophy than the WTC bombings.

Another way in which the Left miserably failed is that, in the weeks after the bombing, it reverted to the old mantra “Give peace a chance! War does not stop violence!” – a true case of hysterical precipitation, reacting to something which will not even happen in the expected form. Instead of the concrete analysis of the new complex situation after the bombings, of the chances it gives to the Left to propose its own interpretation of the events, we got the blind ritualistic chant “No war!”, which fails to address even the elementary fact, de facto acknowledged by the US government itself (through its postponing of the retaliatory action), that this is not a war like others, that the bombing of Afghanistan is not a solution. A sad situation, in which George Bush showed more power of reflection than most of the Left!

No wonder that anti-Americanism was most discernible in “big” European nations, especially France and Germany: it is part of their resistance to globalization. One often hears the complaint that the recent trend of globalization threatens the sovereignty of the Nation-States; here, however, one should qualify this statement: WHICH states are most exposed to this threat? It is not the small states, but the second-rang (ex-)world powers, countries like United Kingdom, Germany and France: what they fear is that, once fully immersed in the newly emerging global Empire, they will be reduced at the same level as, say, Austria, Belgium or even Luxembourg. The refusal of “Americanization” in France, shared by many Leftists and Rightist nationalists, is thus ultimately the refusal to accept the fact that France itself is losing its hegemonic role in Europe. The results of this refusal are often comical – at a recent philosophical colloquium, a French Leftist philosopher complained how, apart from him, there are now practically no French philosophers in France: Derrida is sold to American deconstructionism, the academia is overwhelmed by Anglo-Saxon cognitivism… A simple mental experiment is indicative here: let us imagine someone from Serbia claiming that he is the only remaining truly Serb philosopher – he would have been immediately denounced and ridiculed as a nationalist. The levelling of weight between larger and smaller Nation-States should thus be counted among the beneficial effects of globalization: beneath the contemptuous deriding of the new Eastern European post-Communist states, it is easy to discern the contours of the wounded Narcissism of the European “great nations.” Here, a good dose of Lenin’s sensitivity for the small nations (recall his insistence that, in the relationship between large and small nations, one should always allow for a greater degree of the “small” nationalism) would be helpful. Interestingly, the same matrix was reproduced within ex-Yugoslavia: not only for the Serbs, but even for the majority of the Western powers, Serbia was self-evidently perceived as the only ethnic group with enough substance to form its own state. Throughout the 90s, even the radical democratic critics of Milosevic who rejected Serb nationalism, acted on the presupposition that, among the ex-Yugoslav republics, it is only Serbia which has democratic potential: after overthrowing Milosevic, Serbia alone can turn into a thriving democratic state, while other ex-Yugoslav nations are too “provincial” to sustain their own democratic State… is this not the echo of Friedrich Engels’ well-known scathing remarks about how the small Balkan nations are politically reactionary since their very existence is a reaction, a survival of the past?

America’s “holiday from history” was a fake: America’s peace was bought by the catastrophes going on elsewhere. These days, the predominant point of view is that of an innocent gaze confronting unspeakable Evil which stroke from the Outside – and, again, apropos this gaze, one should gather the strength and apply to it also Hegel’s well-known dictum that the Evil resides (also) in the innocent gaze itself which perceives Evil all around itself. There is thus an element of truth even in the most constricted Moral Majority vision of the depraved America dedicated to mindless pleasures, in the conservative horror at this netherworld of sexploitation and pathological violence: what they don’t get is merely the Hegelian speculative identity between this netherworld and their own position of fake purity – the fact that so many fundamentalist preachers turned out to be secret sexual perverts is more than a contingent empirical fact. When the infamous Jimmy Swaggart claimed that the fact that he visited prostitutes only gave additional strength to his preaching (he knew from intimate struggle what he was preaching against), although undoubtedly hypocritical at the immediate subjective level, is nonetheless objectively true.

Can one imagine a greater irony than the fact that the first codename for the US operation against terrorists was “Infinite Justice” (later changed in response to the reproach of the American Islam clerics that only God can exert infinite justice)? Taken seriously, this name is profoundly ambiguous: either it means that the Americans have the right to ruthlessly destroy not only all terrorists but also all who gave then material, moral, ideological etc. support (and this process will be by definition endless in the precise sense of the Hegelian “bad infinity” – the work will never be really accomplished, there will always remain some other terrorist threat…); or it means that the justice exerted must be truly infinite in the strict Hegelian sense, i.e., that, in relating to others, it has to relate to itself – in short, that it has to ask the question of how we ourselves who exert justice are involved in what we are fighting against. When, on September 22 2001, Derrida received the Theodor Adorno award, he referred in his speech to the WTC bombings: “My unconditional compassion, addressed at the victims of the September 11, does not prevent me to say it loudly: with regard to this crime, I do not believe that anyone is politically guiltless.” This self-relating, this inclusion of oneself into the picture, is the only true “infinite justice.”

In the electoral campaign, President Bush named as the most important person in his life Jesus Christ. Now he has a unique chance to prove that he meant it seriously: for him, as for all Americans today, “Love thy neighbor!” means “Love the Muslims!” OR IT MEANS NOTHING AT ALL.

1. See Alain Badiou, Le siecle, forthcoming from Editions du Seuil, Paris.

2. Another case of ideological censorship: when fireworkers’ widows were interviewed on CNN, most of them gave the expected performance: tears, prayers… all except one of them who, without a tear, said that she does not pray for her deceived husband, because she knows that prayer will not get him back. When asked if she dreams of revenge, she calmly said that that would be the true betrayal of her husband: if he were to survive, he would insist that the worst thing to do is to succumb to the urge to retaliate… useless to add that this fragment was shown only once and then disappeared from the repetitions of the same block.

3. See Chapter III in Raymond Bellour, The Analysis of Film, Bloomington: Indiana University Press 2000.

4. I rely here on my critical elaboration of Althusser’s notion of interpellation in chapter 3 of Metastases of Enjoyment, London: Verso Books 1995.

5. Michael Dutton, Streetlife China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1998, p. 17.

*10/7/01 – Reflections on WTC – an earlier version of the book,Welcome to the Desert of the Real.

Inside out?

June 15th, 2009 | James Martin

Intimate Extorted, Intimate Exposed
Gérard Wajcman

Translated by Ron Estes, Jr.

It is justifiable to say that Freud revolutionized the inner feeling [sens intime].1 This is why, in a book on windows, I attempted to define the conditions of possibility of this subjective kernel that we call the intimate.2 I began with the hypothesis that the intimate is neither a transparent notion nor a given, but that it has a distinctive structure and a history: in other words, there hasn’t always been an intimate, nor will it necessarily always exist. By treating the fundamental psychological concept of our innermost selves as a topological problem, I finished by circumscribing the intimate as a site, in essence both architectural and scopic: that is, that part of space where the subject can feel shielded from the gaze of the Other.
On the one hand, this is not a positive definition of what constitutes the intimate nature of the intimate. Instead, it tries to define its condition of possibility and necessity. The intimate is a space qua internal exclusion, an island, where the subject escapes from even the supposition of being watched. This is what we at times call the “at-home.” This space can be interior and subjective, just as it can take the form of a physical site. Moreover, the existence of the one ensures the existence of the other. Thus the architecture of a given period appears, as it were, as the decipherable symptom of the state of the intimate in this period. This, for example, is how the modern usage of glass in architecture should be interpreted. While it is in essence architectural, the site of the intimate doesn’t necessarily take an architectural form. Everyone knows that one can feel at home in different ways — in a crowd (why not?), in a hotel, in the middle of nature. The fact that it goes without saying that one can feel at home in the home of the Other shows that we need to nuance our understanding of the nature of the intimate.

On the other hand, I’m making the gaze of the Other — that is, an exterior gaze — the very heart of the question of the intimate. This supposes, in the Other, an implacable and limitless desire to see. We must start from this point: that the Other is animated by an absolute will to see everything; that prior to everything, there is the presence of an irreducible and insatiable gaze. If the preexistence of a gaze is a given, the fundamental question — the only one really — is henceforth to know if there exists for the subject a space where he can avoid the panoptic eye of the Other, this Gorgon eye which never sleeps or blinks. At one time this gaze was that of God. Formerly transcendent, He has become immanent, has entered into the world, and the modern subject is subjected to the incessant and excessive desire for visibility that animates every power and saturates our societies. We want to see and know everything.

This brings us to consider that, beyond political, economic, or other questions raised by the idea of mondialisation, of globalization, there exists an aspect, a profound consequence that, it seems to me, we have failed to take entirely into account. Globalization also means that, from now on, not a single square inch of the planet can escape the gaze of the master.

The question of the intimate must be seen against this background. From this perspective, the political stakes and topicality of the intimate take shape. If what matters is to pose the question of a politics of the subject, it can be framed like this: in a world dedicated to global visibility, the intimate is, for each subject, the possibility of concealment [la possibilité du caché].

The intimate, this possibility of concealment, must be defended.

It could be that, for one reason or another, there is no place for the subject to conceal himself or feel himself concealed, no place to escape from the supposition or conviction that he is being watched. Beyond the realm of politics, one can hear in this contemporary global concern its clinical echo. We live in paranoid times and should not be surprised if certain subjects claim — as did a certain patient cited by Lacan — io sono sempre vista, I am always being watched. In truth, the impossibility of concealment furnishes us with a certain idea of hell: a place where the subject would be incessantly seen. This is the direction in which the hypermodern world is moving.

◊ ◊ ◊

I have thus formulated the hypothesis of a historical birth of the intimate. The intimate, in the modern sense of a psychological interiority, was born in the Renaissance. By situating the intimate historically, I have tried to highlight the fact that it took shape in an unexpected place — not within the domain of the law (where the idea of the “private” was in part elaborated), nor in philosophy, but in art. While architecture played a key role, it was not the first place the intimate was conceived of and thought out. Rather, it was painting. Painting, “the flower of all art,” as Alberti called it, became a model for all other arts — architecture included — in particular with the invention of geometrical perspective. In a single stroke: the intimate was born with the advent of the modern painting, defined by Alberti as an “open window.” Expanding the dimensions of this idea, I contend that modern painting, in the same gesture, gave birth to the Cartesian notion that henceforth man had the right to gaze upon the world. It also defined the intimate as the one site in the world where man could hold himself apart from the world; where, from his window and in secret, he could contemplate it and where, shielded from every gaze, he could turn his gaze upon himself.

To gaze upon oneself, shielded from every gaze: this is the double-heart of the invention of the intimate. On the one hand, the intimate entails being able to steal away from the gaze of the Other who would reduce man to the state of an object — “this man,” as Anaëlle Lebovits writes, “that one would like to rivet to oneself, who would be disclosed, partes extra partes, under the extra-lucid gaze of an other.”3 On the other hand (and while subtracting oneself from the gaze of the Other), it also entails being able to see oneself as manifest in the intimate that cannot be reduced to the subject’s intimacy. To put it in Heideggerian terms, “it is only by means of this complex gesture, by this self-regard into the very remoteness of self, that something like a self can be constituted.” The subject thus demonstrates that he is not riveted to himself, that he is not reducible to an object that would only be perceptible only under the gaze of the Other, and also that the intimate is not reduced to being the site where the subject, concealed, would free himself from himself. The intimate is thus the site where the subject makes himself an enigma, where he demonstrates that he is not transparent to himself. The intimate is not a site of pure freedom; it is instead the site where the subject appears in its division. Gazing upon itself there, the intimate, the site of shadows and secrets, can thus also be a place of modesty. The intimate is the site of the subject, that is, of its division.

If it is what I say it is — at once a source of power for the man who appropriates the world by his gaze and the cradle, the inner territory where what we name interiority, that is, this intimate division of the subject, unfolds — then one will grant that I am at least somewhat right to claim that the birth of the Albertian painting was an upheaval that inaugurated a new era.

This era is still our own. But for how much longer?

In order to satisfy ourselves with our treatment of the intimate, we must bring to light its tragic and crucial stakes; this is where its topicality resides. The possibility of concealment must not simply be thought of in terms of gain or conquest, of more or less: it is an absolute condition of the subject. It must therefore be said that there is no subject unless that subject cannot not be seen. We understand by this the modern subject — who thinks, and therefore, is; in other words, the subject who, under the gaze, does not think. Thus, in the modern era, the intimate — the secret territory of the shadow or of the opaque — is the very site of the subject.

To speak of the intimate in terms of territory is to inevitably raise the question of borders, a question posed today. But if it is truly worth pondering, it is not in order to refine a topology of the intimate in the manner of Lacan’s extime; rather, it is because of the urgency of a threat that, bearing on the intimate, today bears down on each subject.

There is a politics of the intimate. The intimate can be threatened. It must be defended.

By invoking the right to concealment, we give the intimate a definition beyond the architectural and scopic; beyond, too, the domains of psychology and anthropology: the intimate takes on a political dimension, one founded on force. The definition of the intimate that I’ve given — a site free from every gaze — implies a relation of power, a relation to power, or more exactly, a separation from it. In truth, what matters is to hold a territory apart from the always totalitarian presence of the Other. This constitutes the real condition of the intimate, which we can associate with the right to secrecy. The intimate must be seen against the background of the Benthamite Other, the importunate gaze — intrusive or invasive — that wants to see and know all, all the time. The important thing is to reveal that which could limit this limitless desire. One could invoke the law, but the law preserves the private; or rather, the private is that part which can be protected by the law. The intimate exceeds; it cannot proceed from the law; it proceeds only from the real possibility of a subject to conceal himself and to remain silent. Its guarantee is material; that is, the right to secrecy can only be maintained by the subject himself, by his force alone, and not by the Other, by the law. It is an act of the subject that keeps the subject free. This political dimension is consubstantial with the notion of the intimate, which does not merely refer to the innermost part of us (the Latin intimus is the superlative of interior), but that comprises the idea of secrecy in its very definition.

Thus we perceive that the intimate, secrecy and freedom are intimately linked.

Here again we must remember that we’re speaking of real freedom, of material freedom. As Jean-Claude Milner insists, the real question of freedom is to reveal how to obtain the conditions in which the weakest can be truly free in the face of the strongest. If juridical and institutional guarantees are precious, they nonetheless remain rather illusory. In other words, like the intimate, the doctrine of freedoms is not founded on the law, but on force. In truth, Milner says, we are all convinced of one thing: apart from fairy tales where the weak become strong (that is, the revolutionary dream), there is but a single guarantee of actual freedoms, and that is the right to secrecy, the single material limit to the power of the Other that we name “the State,” “institutions,” or “society.”

That said, I will now make six remarks, with the goal of delineating the current state of the intimate.

◊ ◊ ◊

The first concerns what I would call the interest of psychoanalysis. We should emphasize that, during the Romantic period, the notion of the intimate took on a hue that would go on to thoroughly color Freud’s invention. Psychoanalysis sets apart anything having to do with sexuality as that which is the most personal and the most concealed. Sexuality is designated as the opaque kernel of the intimate. This hue will always more or less color the intimate.

But this interest is more radical still, because the intimate doesn’t only demarcate the most subjective site of the subject. It is, as I’ve said, its very condition. There can be no subject without a secret, that is, there can be no entirely transparent subject. Every dream of transparency removes, with the dissolution of every opacity, the opacity of the subject itself.

Democracy is, of course, animated by an ideal of transparency, but on principle it concerns itself only with power and the powerful, not with subjects. Not only does democracy set the opacity of the subject against the transparency of the Other, the State; it is supposed to defend this opacity against any intrusion, which also means defending the subject’s freedom. This is where the problem lies today. We could cite Walter Benjamin: “Mankind, which in Homer’s time was an object of contemplation for the Olympian gods, now is one for itself. Its self-alienation has reached such a degree it can experience its own destruction as an aesthetic pleasure of the first order.”4 Only, the problem today is not that we have taken ourselves as an object of contemplation, it’s that our democratic world is dividing itself unequally into those who gaze and those who are gazed at. In reality, our democracy seems to be animated by a perfectly contradictory will: on the one hand, the Other tends to become more and more opaque, while on the other hand the subject is rendered increasingly transparent. As a result, even though these days every gesture made by every politician is subjected to media scrutiny, we still know less and less about the machinery of power. Meanwhile — to judge by all sorts of various indexes — power knows more and more about each one of us.

We live in a time when everything can be known; there are no longer any secrets. Confidentiality is dead. We have entered an era when secrecy has had its day. I was very struck by Sidney Pollack’s 1975 film The Three Days of the Condor, in which Robert Redford plays a failed writer, recruited by the CIA, who works in a “reading unit” where agents spend all day going through spy novels with a fine-toothed comb in order to find possible leaks, or to learn new methods of “work.” The thesis of Joseph Turner, the hero of this reading unit, is that there is no concealment, that no secret is concealed. All that is necessary is to read and to reconstruct. Every secret, even the most confidential secrets of the State, like those concerning the atomic bomb, are perfectly visible in texts that have absolutely nothing at all to do with the military or with espionage services. The truth is perfectly legible, but cut up, fragmented, scattered. The truth is an encrypted puzzle; all one would have to do is to assemble the pieces, and in order to do that, one must see them. That is, one must find the right point of view from which one can discern these elements of truth; these elements that, observed from another point, slip away and remain, not concealed, but invisible. In short, what we have here is a modern version of Edgar Allen Poe’s “The Purloined Letter.” This is an extremely interesting thesis. It must be emphasized that, as in Poe’s story, the secrets in question are secrets of the State; the secrets to be extorted are secrets of the powerful. The question is whether or not the thesis of the film — that there are no more secrets — is no longer put into practice by the powerful for the powerful, but rather by the powerful for the subject. It is no longer necessary to uncover secrets of the State, in any case not only those secrets; what matters today are the secrets of the alcove, the intimate of the subject.

In this encrypted visibility of the secret, Edgar Allen Poe joins, in a sense, Leo Strauss, who highlighted the role of persecution in the art of writing, persecution that obliged the writer to practice a writing of dissimulation, an “art of writing between the lines.” The psychoanalyst is the one who reads what is written between the lines. However, there are two barriers that keep him from being an extortionist of the intimate. The first barrier is ethical: the psychoanalyst uncovers the intimate only to the subject that demands it of him. The second barrier proceeds from the real, that is, from the impossible: it is impossible to say everything, thus the psychoanalyst cannot extort the truth from the subject. Lacan, who once claimed that he told the truth but not-all [pas-toute] of it, said all there was to say on this subject.

We live in a time of a widespread uncovering [dévoilement], of which the Internet is both the symptom and the instrument. We note, moreover, that The Three Days of the Condor is inscribed in an earlier time in that it pursues the secret of the Others, the bad guys; there is also the fact that the instrument of truth in the film is the book. Today we live in the age of the Internet, of webcams, of widespread imaging. In the age of the Internet, the idea that there are no more secrets has for its counterpart the idea that there is no more possible mastery of information. Everything can be known, and everyone can know it all of the time. Thus we must have special procedures so that power can escape being uncovered. There is a need to render power opaque. Transparency is thus the modern watchword, but it works in only one direction.

All of this relates directly to our freedom. When we read Benjamin Constant’s On the Liberty of the Moderns, which dates from the 1820′s, we grasp a thesis that concerns our modernity, namely, that if the Ancients defined freedom as active and constant participation in public affairs, our freedom (we other Moderns) is comprised of the peaceful jouissance of private independence.

Psychoanalysis was born into this modernity and has to situate itself according to it. What is strange is that psychoanalysis, which aims at elucidation, is aligned on the side of the obscure, on the side of the defense of secrecy. It is the obscure side of weakness, which is that of the subject in the face of power. This can be easily deduced from the preceding: to wit, anything that threatens the right to secrecy threatens not only intimacy and freedom, it threatens the subject in its very existence. Without the right to secrecy, without concealment, there is no subject that thinks, hence no subject that is. Thus, we understand that it’s not only a question of the interest of psychoanalysis, but that the defense of the intimate and of secrecy is properly a cause of psychoanalysis.

It is here that we can sketch out the political dimension of psychoanalysis. It corresponds not to a new form of “application” — psychoanalysis’s intervention in the political field, armed with its concepts — but to the highlighting of an internal political dimension, one proper to psychoanalysis, simply because the possibility of the intimate is, in the end, the possibility of psychoanalysis.

Whether it’s a question of video surveillance and medical dossiers, or of procedures which seek to evaluate the risks a child might pose in the future, every measure that puts the intimate and the right to secrecy in peril constitutes a threat to psychoanalysis — which, moreover, is itself directly threatened. Hence the need for political vigilance, and even, today, a state of alert.

◊ ◊ ◊

My second remark touches on the nature of threats at the borders of the intimate.

The right to concealment is a barrier; it constitutes the border of the intimate. If there is reason to speak of borders in the plural, it’s not because this border is diverse or variable, or that it’s a question of more or less secrecy, of degrees of the intimate. The right to secrecy and to the intimate are absolutes — either this right exists or it doesn’t. On the other hand, like any border, it demarcates two spaces: the intimate — the site of the subject — and the field of the Other. The border can thus be seen from two sides. This opens up three possible states for the border: either it remains hermetically sealed and preserves the intimate from any intrusion (this is what defines a certain state of real democracy), or there is a crossing over [franchissement]. But there are two ways of thinking about this crossing over: either there is invasion of the intimate, or there is renunciation of it. The first is the case of the Other, of power; the second is the case of the subject.

Let us consider first of all the act of power. Suppose that the Other has poked his nose into our intimate space or pried into our private life. This is an increasingly common occurrence, due to the fact that we live in an age of video surveillance. Whether police, urban, or military, this surveillance is at present more than just widespread: it is planetary. From this day forward there will be eyes revolving day and night around the Earth — as one can easily see by logging on to Google Earth. We have entered a paranoid age. But the presence of cameras on every street corner poses a serious question; it is not simply a matter of a technical innovation that permits power to extend itself and to invade the public space. Rather, with this technical progress, a reversal has taken place without our being aware of it. When, formerly, techniques of police surveillance were developed, they were developed with the aim of flushing out the secrets of criminals. Nowadays the latest techniques are used in the service of absolutely opposing aims: cameras are there to keep watch over the innocent and to control their secrets. The society of control that Deleuze spoke of is a society where the innocents are controlled. This is what engenders the diffuse feeling of society’s criminalization, where we are all watched as if we are would-be or unaware culprits.

As for this rampant and widespread criminalization of society, we can shed some light on certain procedures employed today in the service of policies that allegedly aim to prevent criminality. Prevention has become the watchword of the day, to the point that, in place of Foucault’s “Surveiller et punir,” we have now substituted “Supervise and Prevent.” The novelty stems from the fact that the latest procedures of delinquency prevention, for the sake of maximum effectiveness, tend to be more and more preemptive. That is, these procedures no longer simply attempt to influence so-called “environmental” factors in the emergence of criminality, but aim at the very being of subjects. In other words, well beyond social, educational, juridical or police measures, preventative procedures will henceforth be a matter for medical science and will be devised by mental health specialists. This is supposed to render them beyond suspicion, since science, as we all know, can only work for our good.

This brings to mind a particular project, one very controversial in France, which has mobilized many people and is still politically relevant today: namely, a report of “collective expertise” published in 2005 by the Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM) on the prevention of delinquency, entitled “Conduct Disorders in the Child and the Adolescent.” Delinquency, a sociologico-juridico-police notion, is treated in this report as a “conduct disorder,” a psychiatric notion taken from the DSM-IV (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders). Its “predictive” signs are organized into four categories: aggressive conduct that causes or threatens physical harm to other people or animals, non-aggressive conduct that causes property loss or damage, deceitfulness or theft, and serious violations of rules. I’ll cut to the chase: the report alerts us to the stunning precocity of the signs of this disorder: “aggressiveness, intractability and inadequate emotional control during childhood have been described as predictive of conduct disorder in adolescence.”5 It is specified that these behaviors must be differentiated from what is termed “normal conduct.” This comparison should be emphasized, as it highlights a certain mode of thinking about the individual, that is, that the behavior of a subject is linked directly to the normality of the group. Thus we see the field of psychology occupied by a mode of thinking that reasons not in terms of people but of “population.” This is the threat Foucault pointed to — a threat which gives rise to a new Leviathan, a flood of statistics (the DSM, a worldwide psychiatric reference, is itself a statistical treatise of “disorders”). Psychiatrists and psychologists — these experts — do not think of singular and individual people in terms of cases; they think of them in terms of statistical beings in which the subject as singularity is reabsorbed, abolished — in Lacanian terms, foreclosed. We now know that these experts resolve the question of abnormality by retaining the criterion of age. It is claimed that behaviors such as physical aggression, lying or the theft of objects, that is, behaviors relatively frequent in small children, only become “abnormal” if they occur very frequently and last beyond the age of four years. As a consequence, our group of experts recommends a systematic medical screening for every child at 36 months, since “at this age, one can first locate the signs of a difficult temperament, of hyperactivity, and the first symptoms of a conduct disorder.” This in turn leads to the recommendation that every health professional learn to recognize the criteria defining conduct disorders, a task that concerns, first of all, intervention specialists in maternal and infantile protection agencies and in medico-psycho-pedagogical centers, as well as National Education medical personnel.

We scarcely dare add that our INSERM experts have identified certain risk factors in the course of the prenatal and perinatal periods: for example, a very young mother, the consumption of psychoactive substances during pregnancy, a low birth weight or complications arising during delivery. As a consequence, our experts recommend a testing of families presenting these risk factors over the course of the medical supervision of the pregnancy. These principles, and the “scientific” measures that result from them, are today defended by experts from the police services, who are advised by the minister of the interior, who is a candidate in the French presidential elections, and who has included these measures in his program of public security. We can thus consider this report, prepared by experts in medical research, as the ultimate illustration and justification of Michel Foucault’s thesis of biopower, that is, the notion that life and the body have henceforth become objects of power.

This system of child evaluation and administrative record-keeping, recommended by the experts of a national institute of medical research, bears witness to the fact that we have entered an age in which the gaze of the master — the intrusive gaze, relying on science and technical knowledge — is without limits. The subject who, in the past, submitted to the gaze of a God who peered into his soul today finds his body scrutinized by experts who probe the most secret recesses of his spirit — if not the very womb of his mother, perhaps even farther. The intimate, which used to be defined as a window open to the subject and closed to the Other, is now incessantly probed and extorted.

From now on, an immense machine lays siege to the borders of the intimate.

◊ ◊ ◊

We must at present displace or reverse our point of view in order to discover a new perspective. There is another way to cross the border of the intimate: by going in the opposite direction [dans l'autre sens]. This would be the case of those who, unconstrained by any external force, open up their intimacy, confess it or expose it. This has nothing to do with stolen or extorted images or data, but rather with those that are deliberately exhibited. We should stress that this would not be a case of the subject renouncing his right to secrecy; on the contrary, it would be a free act, a certain exercise of this right. The right to remain silent, which one hears ritually invoked in American police films at each arrest, does not oblige one to be quiet. This would be totalitarianism, according to Lacan: everything not prohibited is obligatory. We might note in passing that this right to silence embodies the spirit of America (a nation founded by those fleeing persecution) whose citizens, as Jacques-Alain Miller points out, gave themselves a totally new constitution, one whose principle was not prohibition but permissiveness. This does not prevent the existence of censorship; however, we must grant that censorship does not derive from the Constitution.

“The intimate exposed”: this irresistibly invokes the age of what we today call reality TV. Although this phenomenon is massive and warrants our interest, I only want to mention it here in order to highlight a strange feature of our era. Namely, that on the one hand, the desire to see everything no longer only animates power (“Big Brother is Watching You”6), it is now a widespread desire on the part of the subject, one that demands gratification. On the other hand, and at the same time, it is in this society — where each person wants to know what’s happening in the life of the other — that this obscene taste for exhibition develops. Each one wants to see and each one wants to be seen, all at once.

Be that as it may, I would like for us to pay attention here to what is taking place in art and literature, which have become eminent sites in the exercise of this freedom to flaunt the intimate. A veritable art of exhibiting the intimate is developing today in literature and in museums. Formerly, in art, intimacy was startling; images of the intimate were stolen and gave the spectator the delicious feeling that he was violating a prohibition, that he was an intruder who saw what he wasn’t supposed to see. Today the intimate is not stolen, it is displayed openly, without shame and without giving a frisson of pleasure. This can take all sorts of forms: pornography, exhibition, confession, book review, admission; The Sexual Life of Catherine M. by Catherine Millet, the films of Larry Clark, the photographs of Araki, or the work of Nan Goldin.

Of course, one could object that the intimate was being exposed long before these works came along, but we must remind ourselves that in the eighteenth century, for example, when Jean-Jacques Rousseau published his Confessions, it wasn’t considered an intimate work in the strict sense. What was then referred to as a journal intime was precisely that: a journal that remained secret and was by necessity not published. By contrast, what characterizes our age is that, in addition to revealing ourselves [se dire] in the secrecy of the analyst’s office, the intimate today is published, is displayed on screens and exposed on the walls of museums. And, we must add, without shame. We have entered the age of uncovering, which is also an age of the dissolution of shame. Of course, psychoanalysts should rejoice in this, since this tendency bears witness to a certain victory for Freud, in that the prohibition on sexuality no longer weighs on us; in any case, it no longer weighs on us the way it did in Freud’s day.

This dissolution of shame does not signal the total absence of modesty that would lead to provocation without limit, but rather the simple fact of a certain reduction of the feeling of guilt in the subject. In contrast to Sartre’s voyeur, who blushed when he thought he was seen by the Other, today’s subject no longer blushes when he is seen viewing images of his fantasy. This is what, in certain respects, distinguishes the exhibition in museums of what used to be referred to as “shameful images”; namely, that now they are exposed without shame. Shameful images have a hard time shaming us: times are hard for pornographers. That is, the border crossing I’m talking about in art can today no longer be thought of in terms of subversion, scandal, provocation, outrage, or profanation. Along with the dissolution of shame there is a certain dissolution of the sacred. The collapse of prohibitions does not call for sacrilege or blasphemy, at least not on a day-to-day basis. Scandal is so affordable these days that it is within the reach of the most common advertisement. This is why contemporary works of art that try to be provocative must play the game of escalation, a tiring game in an already-inflated market; these works end up being somewhat derisory, grotesque or pitiful. Fortunately, there are still a few irritable puritans here and there, obsessive censors that confer a whiff of sulfur on certain works that, without these calls for prohibition or even destruction, would not generate much of an audience.

The sole remaining prohibition, the one sacred value in our society that seems to remain, has to do with children. It is forbidden to touch a hair on their little blond heads, as if children had rediscovered that angelic purity on which Freud managed to cast some doubt. And it is undoubtedly the diabolical figure of Freud that we condemn today, seeing him as the one who, by uncovering the relationship of childhood to sexuality, quite simply depraved our virginal childhoods. In an age when sexuality is exhibited on every street corner, the image of the innocent child has, strangely, returned with a vengeance.

We have to admit, today, that we have seen everything. So how does one go about causing a scandal? The inquisitional ardor of a certain “moral minority”7 is nothing but the sign of the collapse of all prohibitions; likewise, the desire for the restoration of values is at bottom an indication that the times have changed, that shameful images hardly shame us anymore, that their power of provocation has become blunted. This should give us pause.

In order to contrast it with certain historical precedents, we should like to return for a moment to the idea that shameful images without shame are a novelty. For example, after having read Daniel Arasse, one might be somewhat correct in considering Titian’s Venus of Urbino as the paradigm of the “shameful image.” This recumbent nude woman, who caresses herself while smiling at us, is in certain respects a shameful image without shame — except that this intimate image was destined only for the intimacy of a single gaze, that of Guidobaldo della Rovere, who ordered this “pin up”8 from Titian for his exclusive use. This poses a real museographical problem, not as to the contemporary exhibition of such a painting in a museum (in the Uffizi in Florence), but as to its meaning-effect [effet de sens] on visitors. During the Renaissance, the intimate was destined for an intimate space. Today it goes directly to the museum; that is, it is no longer destined for the secrecy of a studiolo or the gaze of a lover, but for the bright lights and greedy eyes of culture. The museum is that great site of the democracy of the gaze; indeed, it rests on a principle that, in a way, derives from the Enlightenment: every visible work must be able to be seen by all. Let us admit, however, that such a democratic principle, which is as such beyond discussion, nevertheless has the effect of obscuring the meaning of certain works by delivering them over to gazes for which they were not destined. Hence we can draw the conclusion that the history of art is inconceivable without the construction of a history of the gaze. We can also perhaps understand if, in Europe (and perhaps especially in France), curators of public museums — the defenders of the democratic gaze — feel a certain hostility toward types like Guidobaldo della Rovere and private collectors in general, who, they claim, organize the privatization and the deprivation of the jouissance of a work that could be the property of all.

So there we have it: a charming picture of our current state of affairs. This leads us to make a double-remark. On the one hand, in our era, which advances under the standard of the Rights of Man, the material right to secrecy is materially threatened from all sides. On the other hand, one would be in part correct to try to prevent that right from becoming humankind’s most important right. Secondly and conjointly, we remark today a widespread, excessive display of the intimate. For my part, I suggest we consider the question by confronting these two sides, one against the other: that of the widespread threat against the intimate, and the widespread extension of images of the intimate. There are two sides: the intimate exposed, and the intimate extorted. The question I am raising deals with the possible relation of one to the other.

◊ ◊ ◊

My hypothesis is that the excessive display of images of the intimate that we find today in art arises not from the modern exercise of a freedom, but constitutes, paradoxically, a response to the threat against the intimate. Of course one could imagine, as a response to the hypermodern threat of a limitless gaze into the intimate, extending the use of the veil. (This is, moreover, what we are witnessing with the rise of Muslim rigor.) But in art, on the contrary, we are also witnessing a movement of uncovering, one that might appear, after all, to be simply in keeping with the desire for omniscience of the modern master. And yet it seems to me that images of art, certain ones at least, can stage an interruption of this desire. We must, then, specify how and why.

All of this means that in order to understand what one would today call “shameful images,” we need no longer look at the prohibition, but on the contrary, at this machine-for-seeing-everything, this machine for extorting the intimate that is today the power in the hands of the hypermodern master. To this we must add the fact that the visible has become a commodity; there is a privatization of the visible, with the result that, henceforth, the image of every single thing can be converted into money. Nothing and no one can escape from the system of exchange, which is global. The market is the contemporary form of the universal. There is no domain of human affairs shielded from its law, including that of the sacred and the tragic. We no longer live in a world of masters and slaves, capitalists and proletarians, or citizens, but in a world of consumers, either real or virtual. Lacan prophesied this — “the rise of the object to the social zenith.”9 The domination of prohibitions and of the father gives way neatly to the domination of the object. The current tendency is not toward the prohibition but toward the admission, in the sense that the body and the genitals (the most intimate of the intimate) are also seized upon by the market. Everything is free and must free itself in this sense. As a result, without prohibitions, we see the possibilities of provocation disappear. There is no longer a “hell.” Everything is more or less permitted. There are some things that still make us tremble, but one gets the feeling that it is no longer possible to go very far in transgression unless one is to make a work out of crime. This is one possibility. Childhood is the only thing today that can stage an interruption, as we saw in the case of the CAPC of Bordeaux.10 By the end of the twentieth century, we had seen it all. But if the sacred has lost its glory and its power today, how do we go about being subversive? It’s going to happen vis-à-vis the world of the market; Jeff Koons speaks of this. By using icons, by erecting new and ridiculous golden calves, Koons allows us to take a certain distance. By elevating always-perishable objects to the dignity of the work, always imperishable, he uncovers a certain truth; he lays bare the illusory prestige of the fetish. La Cicciolina is, in a sense, one of these works: she is a statue of love and of sex seized in the marketplace.11 The topicality of “shameful images” would be in this sense the topicality of threats against the intimate. If one function of art is to show what one cannot see, we must nevertheless not limit ourselves to thinking that what we cannot see is what is prohibited, that poor taste would be the proper response to the conservative attitudes of a “moral majority”12 who would force us to conceal what we cannot see. Not because the intimate would be any less threatened by a prohibition than by an obligatory admission — Foucault warned us against this — but because it is purely and simply threatened with dissolution.

Let us simply ask ourselves this question: what could be the possible meaning and value of exposing pornographic images in a world where we are seen everywhere, all the time and from every angle, and sounded to the innermost depths of our bodies and our souls?

I’ve already mentioned that a new figure haunts our era, a phantom or a fantasy: that of the transparent subject. It is the correlate to what I call the limitless gaze of the master. The invention of the X-ray at the end of the nineteenth century gave birth to the scientific dream of the transparency of the body — to the point of inspiring the belief that, thanks to Röntgen, our most secret thoughts would no longer be safe from the practiced eye of the physician. It is clear that today the forces of technical expansion seem to want to extend the power of the machine-for-seeing to the point of creating a man without a shadow, a totally transparent subject, in body and soul. Between the explosion of medical imaging, the perpetual innovation in the field of police surveillance and espionage technology, the triumph of legal medicine and of anatomic pathology, or the strange displacement of psychiatric expertise towards what we henceforth will call “psychological autopsy,” it seems that power is today centered on the gaze, and that the exercise of power consists first of all in increasing the powers of surveillance of the subject and the investigation of bodies. We are thus led to think that what formerly was considered a divine attribute — the omniscience of God, his power to see everything without being seen — has today become an attribute of a secular power, armed by both science and technology.

This is why it is of the utmost importance to be able to watch what is watching us; to reveal to everyone that which, without our seeing it, turns us into subjects-under-control, that is, observed objects.

It would hardly be forcing things to superimpose this fantasy of science onto what would be, for the police, an ideal situation. Photography has obviously played a historic role in doing this. By virtue of showing that this process of recuperation is today on its way to completion, I would direct your attention to the recent batch of police TV shows like CSI, in which we see the progressive substitution of the character of the cop, private eye, or detective by the figures of the scientific expert and the forensic scientist. The police, whose object is to defend the living, now strive above all to develop investigative techniques that deal with cadavers, objects, matter. Likewise, when doctors speak of developing the “psychological autopsy” as an area of expertise, one should worry that this means, from now on, that the subject as such will be thought of a priori as a cadaver, and that one might penetrate into its innermost recesses to root out the truth. Sustained by the scientific fantasy of transparency, power’s right to the gaze, which is set against the subject’s right to secrecy, becomes a major and acute political problem.

It is also a problem for any reflection on art today. Not that the question poses itself specifically for art; rather, following the idea of art I am putting forth, I believe that today, art is a site where the fantasy of science is posed and exposed as problematic in the sense that one uncovers it, that it is demonstrated and dismantled as such. Art is the site where the fantasy of science and of the modern master are perhaps most profoundly thought through, and where there is a response to the threat such a fantasy entails.

I’ll give an example: when the great Belgian artist Wim Delvoye produces radiographic images of a kiss or of sexual acts, or when Bernard Venet runs a self-portrait through a scanner, these artists are not merely aesthetically appropriating the latest scientific technologies, as has been done in art for a long time. As far as the use of radiography goes, it seems that Meret Oppenheim was the first (in 1964) to make X-ray portraits: self-portraits, to be exact. By exposing the scientific hyper-intimacy of the body, these artists’ images are truly a critical response to the scientific fantasy of the transparent subject; that is, one which is fully knowable. These scientific images alert us to the desires of science and its pretensions to an entirely calculable, assessable, and as a result fully predictable subject. In truth, what these images of transparency show us, what these artists show us by showing us scientific images of the body’s transparency, is that, along with the fantasy of science, there also exists a certain irreducible opacity.

Science does have a stumbling block. I’ll say which later.

To linger for a moment with the idea of a critical art or of an art of resistance, I cannot help referencing a work by Bruce Nauman. I have to admit that I think of Bruce Nauman as a sort of universal thinker; he is to my mind the Swiss army knife of our era, the great revealer of the latest malaise of our civilization. I have, moreover, come up with a law that I call the Law of T.A.A.W.O.B.N.A.T.T.S: There’s-Always-A-Work-Of-Bruce-Nauman’s-Adapted-To-The-Situation. For now I’ll speak of the audio piece exhibited in Paris and more recently at the Tate Modern in London. One enters freely into a small padded room, dark and empty, and as one approaches the walls one hears — vaguely at first, and then, as one nears the partition, more distinctly — a voice, whispering firmly, “get out of my mind, get out of this room.”13 It is the voice of Bruce Nauman himself. Thus one goes to a museum, one walks calmly into a space with the aim of seeing, as is fair; and once inside, one discovers first of all that there is nothing to see, and then that one is “inside the mind of Bruce Nauman” and would do well to get out of there, and fast. A work that kicks you to the curb: all in all, not bad for a museum piece. In fact, if I had to award a Grand Prize in Art against the “psychological autopsy” — to pick a work that most acutely denounces the desire of experts to probe our souls, a work of public safety announcing that the assessors are already in our heads, in short, a work that most savagely defends the intimate — I would, without hesitation, nominate this piece by Bruce Nauman.

◊ ◊ ◊

Now, in order to conclude, and to respond at the same time to certain questions still in suspension, we must face a paradox.

To refer to psychoanalysis, as I have been doing, is to defend a discourse that, one might claim, is also responsible for extorting the intimate. Michel Foucault may have thought so. Saying-everything [le tout-dire] leads straight to the confessional — the Church and communism have both been guilty of this. Now, as far as suspecting that psychoanalysis is on the side of the inquisitive gaze, I give you — as fodder for suspicious minds — another bad sign, the fact that Freud conceived of the material device of psychoanalysis, the relation of armchair to couch, by invoking the power it offered him to “see without being seen.” He thus invoked (without knowing it, I believe) what used to be considered an attribute of God, the only being capable of seeing without being seen.14 By placing himself in his armchair, the psychoanalyst is supposed to be sitting on the throne of an omniscient god.

The entire problem can be limited to two questions, which in turn imply two barriers. The first is ethical: if the analyst does indeed have a certain omniscience at his disposal, the value of this omniscience lies in the analyst’s not making use of it. Whether he does or not rests on an ethical choice alone, one from which analysis is suspended: in his role as listener, the analyst is non-seeing (which is what perhaps gives him the power, like Tiresias, to see into the future). The second barrier is real: does it necessarily follow that, from the power to see everything, everything can be seen? In truth, the problem is played out here, since this begs the question of a limit to the gaze — one founded not on a prohibition, on a choice, or on any contingency, but on an impossible, on the real.

All of this only makes sense if we put psychoanalysis into historical perspective. Jacques-Alain Miller tried his hand at this on a radio show some months ago. We must indeed admit that the primary effect of psychoanalysis in our world has been to modify common sense by loudly touting its claim: by saying, “everything is good for you.” At any rate, this is how society has interpreted it. These days, the idea that saying everything is beneficial has become common sense. Formerly, there were things that one did not say, lest the sacred be offended. We must realize that, as a result of this possibility, the act of saying had great value. As a result, the authority of censorship has played an important role throughout history. Nor did Freud fail to recognize its importance, giving, as he did, the notion of censorship a place in his theory. Writers, too, have been aware of the problem, from the time when the act of saying still counted for something. Censorship was the writer’s partner. Again, it was Leo Strauss who highlighted the role of persecution in the art of writing, which required a writing of dissimulation, an “art of writing between the lines” whereby every piece of writing was supposed to be an encoded message. Even Rousseau (to whom I have also already alluded), who professed a frankness without limits, admitted to employing a certain art of writing so as not to reveal to certain malicious people what he was really thinking. Nevertheless, today we must observe that saying-everything has triumphed. We live in the age of the Internet that, to judge by the evidence, is heading in the direction of saying-everything.

And this is the point. That is, we have to conclude that we no longer live in the era of Freud. Freud lived in another time, the Victorian age, which pivoted on the suppression of speech, with its cohort of censorship and repression. In a sense, he borrowed these notions from his time. In that world of censorship and repression, psychoanalysis thus obviously marked the appearance of a certain freeing-up of speech. As Jacques-Alain Miller emphasizes, Dada and Surrealism will later be parts of this current.

This freeing-up of speech has led to a mutation in depth in the twentieth-century correlative to a weakening of the sacred. The psychoanalyst, it is said, must plead guilty in this respect, for he has indeed contributed to the dissolution of the sacred. Thus, during its first century, psychoanalysis has been contemporaneous with an art caught up in a Bataillean dialectic between the sacred, prohibition, and transgression. By pitting itself against censorship and repression, psychoanalysis thus works together with the provocative exhibition of shameful images.

But our present age, the age of the triumph of Freud and the Internet, of the triumph of the say-everything, opens up the obviously more melancholy horizon of twenty-first century psychoanalysis. What is left for us to hope for if the say-everything has already triumphed? Obviously, there are still moral panics and censors; there are still liberatory battles to fight. But to conclude here would make for a dull ending — a false one, to be honest. The latest result of the social say-everything is that it dissolves the field of language. In other words, Freud’s triumph is also a defeat.

However, against the background of this dull ending, another question appears: can one truly say everything? To say everything is supposed to resolve everything. But although one can try to say everything, this attempt is futile, for there is, fortunately for psychoanalysis, something that remains unresolved, something never resolved, something that, we can safely predict, will never be resolved. Something having to do with sexuality. Something in the sexuality of the human species will never be resolved. So we must reconcile ourselves to that which will never be resolved. This opens up new possibilities for psychoanalysis in our hypermodern age. That which is not resolved is exactly what Lacan called “the impossible sexual relation.” Obviously, this does not mean (and we should know this by now — Lacan started the whole business in the 70′s) that there is no sexual relationship, but rather that there is, for the human species, no such thing as a fixed, defined body of knowledge concerning the relation between the sexes. Pink flamingoes know this, as do guinea pigs, but men do not, nor do women. This is, by the way, why humankind has invented all sorts of organized bodies of knowledge, such as marriage and the Kama Sutra — in an attempt to compensate for this lack.

In other words, there seems to be a beyond [au-delà] of prohibition. Prohibition used to be a barrier that called for transgression. Art was at one time a site of freedom against prohibition. Today we are discovering that prohibition is not the ultimate barrier, but that, fundamentally, it is a means of giving a human face — by means of the law, the symbolic, language — to the real of an impossible. Following the logic of Cocteau’s remark in The Wedding on the Eiffel Tower, “since these mysteries are beyond us, let’s pretend we’re organizing them.”15 Prohibition takes over for the impossible.

◊ ◊ ◊

Which brings me to my last remark. I would contend that today, art resides on the side of this real — that shameful images come to be inscribed precisely where there is something unresolved in sexuality, something that cannot be exhausted, either by saying or by seeing. A space is opening up in art today: not of sexuality, but of malaise in sexuality, of malaise in jouissance.

This is also an opening for an art of the post-Freudian age. We are under the impression today that it is good to admit to every jouissance, but there exists something before which speech fails, whatever we might do. When we read Catherine Millet’s novel, it tells us of a certain silence of jouissance. Nan Goldin is a great artist of civilization’s malaise, in other words, of the malaise of jouissance, of the great disorder of love. She, too, is an artist of a psychoanalysis-of-the-present, of the ultimate truth of psychoanalysis, which is that of the impossible. Her images of beaten-up transvestites at four o’clock in the morning, with their mascara running and their pretty dresses all askew: these are images of the unveiling of the truth of sex. And of the phallus: all worn out and flaccid, not turned-on and erect. We live in the age of the weary phallus. Goldin’s is the punk art of sex, the “no future”16 of sex. The image has lost all capacity to shock. This is not to say that her images themselves are flaccid, deliberately. Nor are they ugly, provocative, disgusting — nothing of the kind; they are simply true. These images can be moving, striking, troubling, whatever you like; there is no reason whatsoever that the truth has to be ugly and unpleasant. What these images show is that there is something behind the shocking, behind the image, behind all things: the great incurable disorder of love. For his part, Larry Clark’s filming of American adolescents demonstrates a liberated sexuality, albeit one dating from the era of the triumph of psychoanalysis: a sexuality that has finished expressing itself, that is, a sexuality that is worn out. These children are, in a way, still the children of Freud and Coca-Cola.

I would thus situate things in this way: certain images are capable of showing malaise in jouissance, of showing that which remains unresolved in the domain of sexuality. There again I find the Lacano-Wittgensteinian machine that leads me to the question of the image, following the proposition of the Tractatus that states that there is something inexpressible, that there are things one cannot say, and that that which one cannot say shows itself. From this I simply draw the conclusion that today, shameful images are no longer to be considered subversive or emancipatory, that they no longer stand up against prohibition, but that they confront the impossible: the sexual relation that does not exist.

To conclude, we might evoke two radiographic images by Wim Delvoye.17 These X-ray images possess the power of extreme truth. But not where one would think, nor where one would look. Displaying a kiss or an act of fellatio, they are there to be seen, of course, like every image. But, on the one hand, these images show what one cannot see with the naked eye, the interior of bodies in action. We are no longer in the era of the pornographic movie. The value of the appearance of the pornographic movie, if there is one, was that it showed something, a part of the anatomy that cinema had never shown before: sexual organs in action. X-ray images go one step further by going beyond anatomy, beyond the sexual organs under our skin. Thus the images of Wim Delvoye tend to show something that no one had ever seen before: how the sexual organs work. Perhaps it would be better to say that these images show that one does not see it. Or, better yet, they show that it is normal for one not to see it.

One can photograph the intimate functioning of the sexual organs using science and the most sophisticated techniques. Yet this in no way risks divulging the secret of sex, of how human desire18 works, or of the astonishing machine of the sexes for which there are no blueprints — as opposed to the poop-machine that (as if by chance) Wim Delvoye himself built, and with complete success.19 The Cloaca-Turbo (which also allows one to see a mechanism inside the body) and the X-ray image of a sexual act would be inverse copies of each other: on the one hand, the image of a machine that works, and on the other, the image of a machine that doesn’t. To be more exact, I would say that these X-ray images (which resemble Leonardo’s famous anatomical drawing representing an act of coitus in cutaway) demonstrate above all that there is something one cannot see: how love works, the secret of sexuality. This is their critical dimension. They are addressed as much to physicians as to everyone else, with the message that the search for bodily transparency is a fantasy because there is something that we will never be able to see, know, or master: the sexual relation. You can X-ray the body, autopsy the body, render the body as transparent as you like, but you will never learn the secret of the sexual relation. This is what, after all, definitively resists the will of the master, who insists that things “work.” Medical imaging brought up short by the sexual relation: this could be the title for this series of images by Wim Delvoye.

As a result, it is rather amusing to point out that the first X-ray image, made by Röntgen, who invented radiography in 1895 (the same year psychoanalysis and the cinema were born) was that of the hand of his wife, and that what we first notice when we see it is the dark shadow of her wedding ring. Thus the first image of the interior of a woman’s body reveals the presence of a man, specifically, a husband — a scientist husband from whom she could keep no secrets. No doubt that explains this image. One wonders what Röntgen had in mind when he decided to produce, as his first image, an X-ray of his wife’s body. We might say that Wim Delvoye shows us what Röntgen had in mind.

◊ ◊ ◊

The hypermodern world is subjected to the order of transparency. This watchword seeks to triumph thus: “all of the real is visible, and what is not visible is not real.” In this world, art seems to join with psychoanalysis in the same cause: to dispel the illusion of transparency. This cause is, moreover, that of the defense of the shadow. It is a cause of truth.

Art and psychoanalysis: two discourses of the other side of transparency.

From this we conclude that, in this hypermodern world, art and psychoanalysis are necessary.

1 Originally published in Umbr(a): The Semblance (2007): 37-57. Reprinted here as part of Dialogues with kind permission.

2 Gérard Wajcman, Fenêtre, chroniques du regard et de l’in- time (Paris: Verdier, 2004).

3 Anaëlle Lebovits, “The Veils of Modesty” (“Les Voiles de la pudeur”), unpublished paper given at the École de la Cause freudienne, Paris, May 2006.

4 Walter Benjamin, Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (New York: Schocken, 1968) 242.

5 All translations of this report are my own. [Trans.]

6 In English in the original. [Trans.]

7 In English in the original. [Trans.]

8 In English in the original. [Trans.]

9 Jacques Lacan, “Radiophonie,” Scilicet 2/3 (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1970) 66.

10 In 2000, the Museum of Contemporary Art of Bordeaux (CAPC) organized an exhibit around the theme of child-hood, “Presumed Innocent” (Présumés Innocents). The exhibit brought together 200 works from 80 celebrated artists. Six years later, in 2006, a complaint was lodged by an extreme right-wing organization, charging that the works were “pornographic.” The former director of the museum and two curators were placed under investigation; they now risk sentencing and punishment. The affair provoked a scandal with the majority of the French public siding with the accused. A number of politicians have also become involved and have lent their support. The matter is still ongoing. [Trans.]

11 In 1991 the American sculptor married Anna Ilona Staller (also known by her stage name La Cicciolina), an Italian-Hungarian porn star turned politician, and the first hardcore performer in the world to be elected to a democratic parliament. [Trans.]

12 In English in the original. [Trans]

13 In English in the original. [Trans]

14 I refer here to two texts: Sigmund Freud, “On Beginning the Treatment” (Further Recommendations on the Technique of Psychoanalysis I), The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud (hereafter SE), trans. James Strachey et al. vol. 12 (London: Hogarth Press, 1953-1974) 121-45 and “An Autobiographical Study,” S.E. 20: 3-71.

15 Jean Cocteau, The Wedding on the Eiffel Tower, trans Michael Benedikt, in Modern French Theatre: The Avant-Garde, Dada and Surrealism, ed. Michael Benedikt and George E. Wellwarth (New York: Dutton, 1966) 94. [Translation modified]

16In English in the original. [Trans}

17 To find reproductions of Delvoye's X-ray works online see Touchyourself [Editor's note]

18In English in the original. [Trans]

19 To find reproductions of Delvoye’s Cloaca online see Cloaca [Editor's note]

Not your Neo-Liberal Project?

June 3rd, 2009 | James Martin

Trade Matters, American Friends Service Committee, May 3, 2006
Title: “Is the US Free Trade Model Losing Steam?”
Author: Jessica Walker Beaumont
http://www.afsc.org/trade-matters/trade-agreements/LosingSteam.htm
International Herald Tribune, December 28, 2006
Title: “Economic Policy Changes With New Latin American Leaders”
Author: Mark Weisbrot
http://www.cepr.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=773&Itemid=45
International Affairs Forum, March 31, 2007
Title: “Is Hugo Chavez a Threat to Stability? No.”
Author: Mark Weisbrot
http://www.cepr.net/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1102&Itemid=45
Student Evaluator: Toni Catelani
Faculty Evaluator: Phil Beard, Ph.D.
The US Free Trade model is meeting increasingly successful resistance as people’s movements around the world build powerful alternatives to neoliberal exploitation.
This is particularly evident in Latin America, where massive opposition to US economic domination has demanded that populist leaders and parties take control of national governments in Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador, Argentina, Brazil, Nicaragua, and Uruguay.
Latin American presidents are delivering on promises to fix the mistake of twenty-five years of neoliberal reforms that resulted in the region’s worst economic collapse in more than one hundred years. In the two decades preceding World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) policies, 1960-1980, the region’s income per person grew by 82 percent. By comparison it grew just 9 percent 1980–2000, and only 4 percent 2000–2005.
Strong ties between Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, Cuba’s Fidel Castro, and Bolivia’s Evo Morales, Ecuador’s Rafael Correa, and Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, along with cooperative relationships with major economies including Argentina and Brazil, are creating the real potential for autonomous alternatives to US-dictated economic policy in the Western Hemisphere.
In the past year alone several leaders have announced plans to cut ties with the World Bank and IMF. After a sweeping reelection in December 2006, Chavez announced April 30, 2007 that, having paid off debts to the World Bank and the IMF, Venezuela would cut ties with both institutions.1 Chavez has been able to put his nation on a path of solid growth by fulfilling his 1998 campaign promise to renationalize Venezuela’s oil industry (PDVSA). Though fierce US opposition to his move to end foreign privatization led to a failed US-backed military coup in 2002, nationalized oil is now the source of nearly half the Venezuela government’s revenues and 80 percent of the country’s export earnings. Venezuela’s economy has grown 38 percent in the last three years.
Chavez plans to set up a new lending institution run by Latin American nations and has pledged to support it with Venezuela’s booming oil revenues.1 Venezuela’s $50 billion in foreign exchange reserves is providing financial support to countries in the region without the exploitive policy conditions attached to WTO and World Bank lending. Leaders are thus able to deliver on promises to their people, contributing not only to stability but to the strengthening of Democracy in the region.
In April 2006, Evo Morales announced his rejection of the IMF and any future FTA with the US. He instead launched the Bolivian Peoples Trade Agreement (PTA), a socialist alternative to the neoliberal free trade model. The PTA emphasizes support of indigenous culture, reciprocity, solidarity, and national sovereignty. Above all the PTA emphasizes improved living conditions for the whole population as a result of international trade and investment. Bolivia’s 2005 passage of a Hydrocarbons Law raised the royalties paid by foreign gas companies to the government of Bolivia. While infuriating US corporations, the resulting tens of millions of dollars in revenue have enabled Bolivia to pay off its IMF debt and begin to build social programs and national reserves.
In December 2006, Rafael Correa, who recently won the presidential election in Ecuador on an anti-privatization, anti-US military base platform, announced plans to restructure Ecuador’s foreign debt in order to increase spending on crucial social programs. Ecuador has since paid its debt to the IMF and announced plans to sever ties to the institution. Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega has also announced negotiations toward an IMF exit.
Argentina was one of the IMF’s most publicized “successes” turned-crushing-failure at the end of the last century. From 1991 to 1998 the country adopted a host of IMF-recommended reforms including large-scale privatizations. The economy grew substantially during this period but went into a terrible downward slide beginning in mid-1998. At the end of 2001 the whole experiment fell apart, with the country defaulting on more than $100 billion of debt. The currency collapsed soon thereafter, and the majority of people fell below the poverty line in a country that had previously been one of the richest in Latin America.2
When Argentina’s President Nestor Kirchner finally refused the IMF’s debilitating repayment mandates, Argentina’s economy began to rebound—and it hasn’t stopped growing. In a remarkable expansion, which was never supposed to have happened according to IMF predictions, Argentina’s economy has grown by 47 percent in the past few years, making it the fastest growing economy in the Western Hemisphere, and pulling more than nine million people (in a country of 36 million) out of poverty.2 Argentina decided to make its break with the IMF in January 2006 by paying off its remaining $9.9 billion debt.
As of December 2005, Brazil is also free to make its own decisions, free from IMF interference, after paying off its debt two years ahead of schedule. “We repaid the money to show the world that this country has a government and it is the owner of its own nose,” Lula said at the time, adding, “Brazil has been able to decide that it does not want another IMF deal.”3
While it is an expanding reality that many strong and growing people’s movements have not been so fortunate as to have representative governments—the people of India (see story #8), Mexico (see story #18), and Niger (see story #3) are but a few examples—more and more elected leaders in Latin America are providing models of true democratic leadership that is of, for, and by the people.
Citations
1. Jorge Rueda, “Venezuela Pulling Out of IMF, World Bank,” Associated Press, May 1 2007.
2. Mark Weisbrot, “IMF’s Fall From Power,” Washington Post.com, April 13, 2007.
3. Xinhua, “Early Debt Payment Enables Brazil to Make Own Budget Decisions,” Peoples Daily Online, December 16, 2005.
UPDATE BY Jessica Walker Beaumont
Written a year ago, the American Friends Service Committee article “Is the US Free Trade Model Losing Steam?” accurately predicted a growing resistance among Latin American and African leaders to the current “one-size-fits-all” US trade policy model.
Proponents of the current US free trade model seem willing to do whatever it takes to keep the free trade train moving down the track. However their time is literally running out, in part due to the looming July 1 expiration of “fast track” authority that gives the Bush administration the power to negotiate free trade agreements on behalf of Congress.
Although Bolivia, Ecuador and Southern Africa stand firm against US Free Trade Agreements (FTA), there remains a “coalition of the willing” lining up to get their trade agreements. Pending trade pacts for Congressional consideration include those with Colombia, Peru, Panama and Korea. Greasing the wheels to pass these FTAs is a new “breakthrough trade deal” with the Bush administration announced by Democratic leadership on May 10, 2007.
It is said that the deal would improve new free trade agreements by requiring that they include labor and environmental standards, and by insuring better access to essential medicines. Sounds good right? Well, the deal was negotiated in secret with only a handful of Congressional members, the legal text is still not released, and high-powered big business groups are supporters. The official outline of the deal reveals all that is excluded, ignoring a cry for substantial rethinking of US trade policy.
Meanwhile Bolivia continues to advance its People’s Trade Agreement. In April, 2007 Bolivia (along with Venezuela and Nicaragua) decided to withdraw from the International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) housed at the World Bank. This came out of the social movement started in 2001 against the US multinational Bechtel that sued Bolivia under the ICSID for $25 million after it was thrown out during the Cochabamba Water War. Dropping out of the ICSID sends a clear message that protecting private investment at the expense of the rights of the people will not be tolerated.
Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa, elected into power on an anti-FTA and anti-US military base agenda, is considering doing the same. In April Correa expelled the World Bank’s representative in Quito, accusing him of withdrawing funds in protest over the government’s oil sector reforms.
Costa Rica offers a new beacon of hope as they have yet to ratify the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). Huge resistance to CAFTA grew as people learned it would require the dismantling of Costa Rica’s public telecommunications sector that is funding education. On April 12, 2007 the Supreme Electoral Court approved a measure calling for a binding referendum on CAFTA, likely to take place in August or September. The CAFTA referendum will be Costa Rica’s first public referendum since it gained independence from Spain in 1821 (Inside US Trade, May 4, 2007).

Marx, Althusser, Etc.

May 25th, 2009 | James Martin

SEARCH FOR A METHOD:
MARX, ALTHUSSER, AND PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION
Susan Hekman
Western Political Science Association
Las Vegas, Nevada
March 2007

Primitive Accumulation” Nancy Hartsock declares that, despite proclamations to the contrary, Marxism is not dead. Rather, she asserts, Marxism is not only far from dead, but it has much to contribute to understanding capitalism in the 21st century. She then goes on to substantiate this claim by using Marx’s concept of primitive accumulation to explain one of the key political and economic issues of our time: globalization. Her thesis, that the globalization of capital is a moment of primitive accumulation marked by gender, demonstrates the usefulness not only of this concept but of Marx’s perspective more broadly. Her analysis definitively establishes the contemporary relevance of Marxism. My analysis begins with the same premise. Like Nancy Hartsock I argue for the contemporary relevance of Marx’s theory. Also like Hartsock, I turn to his concept of primitive accumulation as a pivotal element of his theory. But the focus of my analysis is more theoretical than political/economic. My argument is that Marx’s theory, particularly as interpreted by Althusser, has much to contribute to a theoretical controversy that is at the forefront of contemporary intellectual discussions: how to integrate the discursive and the material. In the wake of the linguistic turn of the 20th century, a movement that spawned both postmodernism and poststructuralism, theorists are beginning to argue that the exclusive focus on the linguistic/discursive has impoverished theoretical and practical discussions. We have lost something in our obsession with the linguistic: the real, material world of nature, bodies, and social reality. Feminist theorists, philosophers of science and others have argued that we need a way of talking about reality, of bringing the material back in. They argue, however, that the solution is not a return to modernism and its objective reality, but, rather, that we need a theory that can build on the insights of the linguistic turn without sacrificing the material. 2

It is my argument that Althusser’s interpretation of Marx has much to contribute to this discussion. What some have called his “aleatory materialism” is very much in tune with the aims of contemporary theorists of the “new materialism.” It is unfortunate, however, that few, if any, theorists concerned with this issue look to Marxism for help in addressing it. My goal in the following is to redress this oversight. In Lenin and Philosophy (2001) Louis Althusser declares that Marx made two great discoveries in Capital. The first, of course, was surplus value. The second, however, is less obvious. It is, Althusser declares, “the incredible means used to achieve ‘primitive accumulation’ thanks to which capitalism was ‘born’ and grew in Western societies, helped also by the existence of a mass of ‘free laborers’ (i.e. laborers stripped of means of labor) and technological discoveries” (2001:56). It is hard to know how to evaluate Althusser’s claim. If he is right, then primitive accumulation should be at the center of Marxist theory. We should see as many discussions of it as we do of surplus value. That this is not the case should be obvious to anyone familiar with Marxist theory. Althusser’s claim is at least partially substantiated by Marx’s extensive discussion of primitive accumulation in Capital volume I. Marx begins by declaring that primitive accumulation is not the result of the capitalist mode of production, but its starting point: “Thus primitive accumulation plays in Political Economy about the same part as original sin in theology” (1967:713). The transformation to capital required the emergence of two entities: owners of money and free laborers. Primitive accumulation is the historical process of divorcing the producer from the means of production. At the very outset, Marx introduces a complexity into this process. In order to create “free laborers” serfs had to be freed from the land. Although this appears to be a form of emancipation, the 3

reality is quite different: the serfs become sellers of themselves, robbed of their own means of production (1976:715). Several factors stand out in Marx’s analysis. First, he argues that a key event in the process of primitive accumulation is the attitude of the working class. As primitive accumulation develops, this emerging class comes to see the conditions of the mode of production as self-evident laws of nature (1967:737). This claim raises the question of the relationship between the material and the ideological in Marx’s theory. This is significant because it is the point of departure of Althusser’s interpretation of Marx, an interpretation that departs from traditional interpretations. Second, Marx emphasizes the role of the colonial system in both the original primitive accumulation in the west and its future development. As Nancy Hartsock has so clearly demonstrated, this has important implications for globalization. For Marx the era of primitive accumulation is the “prelude to the history of capitalism” (1967:762), a history that is still unfolding. Perhaps the best place to start in trying to assess Althusser’s claim is to ask why he singled out primitive accumulation as so central to Marx’s approach. For most of his career Althusser was immersed in a contentious debate with rival interpreters of Marx, notably the humanist Marxists on one side and the crude economists on the other. For Althusser it was of central importance to establish his particular interpretation of Marx as the correct one and reveal the errors of his antagonists. This is where primitive accumulation comes in. Althusser believed that Marx’s theory of primitive accumulation held the key to the correct interpretation of Marx. His contention is that Marx’s texts on the primitive accumulation of capital provide an outline of a particularly crucial aspect of Marx’s theory: the transition of one mode of production to another. Althusser claims, however, that Marx does not provide us with a well-developed theory of this transition 4

but, rather, only a sketch (1970:197). It is Althusser’s goal, first, to flesh out this outline, and, second, to establish the thesis that Marx’s theory of primitive accumulation reveals that his concept of social relations constitutes a clear break from Hegel’s concept. It is Althusser’s contention that, for Marx, social relations do not represent forms of intersubjectivity, but, rather, relations that assign a necessary function to things as well as men (1970:227). The story that Althusser tells about primitive accumulation, thus, has a definite objective: to portray the relationship between the various elements of the social structure as complex rather than simply deterministic. The analysis of primitive accumulation, he asserts, constitutes the genealogy of the elements that make up the structure of the capitalist mode of production. This analysis reveals, Althusser contends, that the elements combined by the capitalist structure have different and independent origins. Thus the unity of the capitalist structure is not formed in its rear (1970:281). It follows that the diversity of historical roads by which the elements of the structure are constituted, by which they lead to the point at which they can join together and constitute the structure…by coming under its jurisdiction, becoming its effects (1970:282) Althusser concludes that “the capitalist mode of production is constituted by ‘finding already there’ the elements which its structure combines” (1970:283) and “The analysis of primitive accumulation thus brings us into the presence of the radical absence of memory which characterizes history” (1970:283). As a result, Althusser claims, Marx counters the empiricism of classical economics with the concept of the unity of 5

contradictory terms; Marx produced the knowledge of the contradictions’ foundation in the nature of the structure (1970:289). If this all seems excessively convoluted, it is because it is. What Althusser is trying to do here and in his other commentaries on Marx is to carve out a unique space for Marxist theory. What that space is not is easier to specify than what it is. That it cannot conform to empiricism or crude economism is obvious. But there is another element in Althusser’s theory that is less obvious yet structures his approach in important ways. It is crucially important for Althusser to account for the constitutive role of language/ideology in social relations. Like many of his contemporaries, Althusser is deeply concerned with language. But, unlike most linguistic philosophers, he is also a Marxist and is thus not willing to entirely relinquish the material in favor of the discursive. The result is that Althusser develops an approach to the material that is unique among his contemporaries, both Marxist and non-Marxist. It is an idiosyncratic mix of elements that, quire literally, has no parallel. It is this idiosyncratic quality that provides the connection between Althusser’s theory and contemporary discussions. In recent years an increasing number of postmodern and linguistic philosophers have become frustrated with the restrictions of linguist constructionism. Theorists such as Bruno Latour and Andrew Pickering as well as a number of feminist theorists have attempted to break out of these restrictions and bring the material back into the theoretical picture. Reading Althusser across these contemporary theories yields productive results. Althusser is attempting to accomplish two objectives that are particularly relevant to the contemporary effort to find what Latour calls a “new settlement” to the problems posed by modernism. First, Althusser wants to define Marxism as opposed to empiricism, idealism, or materialism. His 6

contention is that Marxism constitutes a “new continent of thought” that represents a repudiation of all aspects of the epistemology of modernism. It is just such a new approach that contemporary theorists are seeking. Second, Althusser wants to bring language and its constitutive powers into Marxist theory. Like many twentieth century thinkers Althusser wants to analyze the role of discourse in the constitution of society. But, precisely because he is a Marxist, Althusser never loses sight of the material in his theory. The result is an integration of language and materiality, not a preference for one over the other. These two objectives are closely connected. The crude economism that Althusser is rejecting defined language as merely one element of the superstructure that, like all the other elements, is wholly determined by the economic base. In order to give language more prominence, Althusser had to complicate the base/superstructure relationship in Marxist theory. This complication became the principal focus of his theoretical effort. At the center of Althusser’s interpretation of Marx is his contention that Marx, far from standing Hegel on his head, entirely rejected Hegelian epistemology. Marx’s dialectic, Althusser asserts, has a different structure from that of Hegel (1969:93). Marx’s conception of the “whole,” furthermore, departs from the Hegelian totality in significant ways. For Marx the whole “is constituted by a certain type of complexity, the unity of a structured whole containing what can be called levels or instances which are distinct and ‘relatively autonomous’” (1970:97). Although Althusser concludes this description by arguing that the whole is “fixed in the last instance by the economy” it is clear that something very different is going on here. It is also clear that Althusser is attempting to make a clean break with both idealism and materialism as they were conceived in modernist thought. 7

Althusser’s task is to define the “whole,” the “totality” that Marx describes in a way that not only sets it apart from Hegel but also posits a relationship between base and superstructure that is not one of strict singular causality. He effects this primarily through his concept of “overdetermination.” This term was originally used by Freud to describe the representation of dream thoughts in images privileged by their condensation of a number of thoughts in a single image. Althusser employs the term to describe his complex understanding of the relationship among the elements that constitute social relations. Rejecting on one hand the single causation of the economic and on the other hand the simplistic notion of contradiction and its role in society, Althusser’s concept of overdetermination paints a more complicated picture: the ‘contradiction’ is inseparable from the total structure of the social body in which it is found, inseparable from its formal conditions of existence and even from the instances it governs; it is radically affected by them, determining, but also determined in one and the same moment, and determined by the various levels and instances of the social formation it animates; it might be called overdetermined in its principle (1969:101) All societies, Althusser claims, are constituted by an infinity of concrete determinations – political laws, religion, custom, habit. None of these determinations is essential; together they do not constitute an “original organic totality” that is the truth of these concrete determinations (1969:102). Overdetermination, Althusser thus concludes, profoundly transforms Hegel’s dialectic (1969:104). It is tempting to describe Althusser’s concept of overdetermination as simply an effort to depict society as a system of multiple causation. But much more is going on in this concept. Althusser is compelled to retain Marx’s concept of the determination by the 8

economy in the last instance while at the same time rejecting the singular causation of the economic base. His solution to this problem is that Marx asserts the determination in the last instance by the economy but also the relative autonomy of the superstructures and their “specific effectivity.” As he puts so eloquently in For Marx: “From the first moment to the last, the lonely hour of the ‘last instance’ never comes” (1969:113). Althusser follows this significant statement with the assertion that “the theory of the specific effectivity of the superstructure and other ‘circumstances’ largely remains to be elaborated” (1969:113). Clearly, Althusser sees it as his task to accomplish this elaboration. The overdetermination of any contradiction of an element of a society means, first, that a revolution in the structure does not necessarily modify the existing superstructure and, second, that the new society produced by the revolution may insure the survival of older elements of the superstructure (1969:115). It should come as no surprise that Althusser uses Lenin’s work to develop his position on overdetermination. Lenin was forced to do some fancy theoretical footwork to explain the Russian Revolution in Marxist terms. Without a more complex understanding of the base/superstructure relationship the Russian Revolution makes little sense. But, Althusser asserts, the lesson of overdetermination emerging from the Russian Revolution is not simply that this event is an exception. Rather, Althusser wants to argue that all situations are exceptional; the apparently simple contradiction is always overdetermined (1969:104-6). In general, Althusser concludes, there is no simple transposition of expression between the various instances of the social structure. Rather, the forms vary according to the degree of autonomy of one instance with respect to another (1970:305-7) The absence of the cause in the structure’s ‘metonymic causality’ on its effects is not the fault of the exteriority of the structure with respect to economic 9

phenomena; on the contrary, it is the form of the interiority of the structure, as a structure, in its effects. (1970:188) It is easy to criticize Althusser’s concept of overdetermination as unnecessarily complex. A relevant question, however, is what Marxist theory gains by this theory. The most important gain is a way to talk about the social and social relations from a Marxist perspective that avoids the singular causality of previous interpretations. Society, on Althusser’s account, is not simply a product of economic forces. It is an intricate relationship among contradictory and diverse forces that cannot be simply determined by the economy or any other single factor. Another significant advantage lies in Althusser’s concept of “relative autonomy.” Social forces are not all the same. They cannot be subsumed under one general theory. Rather, the different social forces, including, most notably, language, must be carefully analyzed in their autonomy. This opens up a range of analysis that was closed to previous Marxist theories. In sum, then, Althusser’s concept of overdetermination is exceedingly complex because it is an attempt to describe a complex, diverse range of relationships. Althusser’s concept, finally, reveals why primitive accumulation is so central to his interpretation of Marx. Primitive accumulation is where it all began, the relationship among the various social forces that would result in the advent of capitalism. Unless capitalism is understood from the outset as relations among a range of elements each possessing relative autonomy, Marx’s theory, on Althusser’s account, cannot be understood in its intricacy. As in theology, unless original sin is properly understood, nothing else will make much sense. Another major element in Althusser’s interpretation of Marxist theory is his description of theoretical production. This description is at the heart of Althusser’s 10

understanding of Marx and is central to his reinterpretation. It takes on a pivotal element of Marxism, the relationship between the real and the theoretical, and offers a bold new understanding of that relationship. It is perhaps the most innovative and exciting aspect of Althusser’s theory. Althusser begins his discussion of theoretical production under the rubric of a discussion of “practice.” The concept of practice, is, of course, one of the focal points of Marxist theory; the unity of theory and practice is one of the pillars of Marxist thought. But the “practice” in Althusser’s theory constitutes a significant departure from the commonly understood Marxist definition. “Practice,” Althusser asserts, is the “transformation of a determinate given raw material into a determinate product, a transformation effected by a determinate human labor, using determinate means (of ‘production’)” (1969:166). Althusser defines the determinate moment in this process as the labor of transformation itself. “Social practice,” Althusser goes on, is a “complex unity” that contains a large number of particular practices; theoretical practice is only one of them. This definition covers a lot of theoretical ground. “Social practice” is the complex unity out of which the concept of overdetermination arose. It is the heart of Althusser’s understanding of Marx’s theory, but it is an understanding closer to contemporary social theory than traditional Marxism. It is a concept that allows us to examine the elements of the social structure autonomously, not as solely determined by the economic base. It is significant, furthermore, that a group of contemporary social theorists have adopted the concept of practice to describe their theoretical approach. Contemporary “practice theorists,” like Althusser, see society in terms of a complex interaction of forces that cannot be neatly divided into language and reality (Schatzki 2001). 11

What, then, is theoretical practice? Theory, Althusser states, is a specific practice that acts on its own object and ends in its own product: knowledge. The raw material of theoretical practice is concepts; the means of production is method (1969:173). Althusser then launches into the heart of this theory, the “Generalities.” The process of theoretical practice involves, first, Generalities I, the raw material of science’s theoretical practice. Althusser makes it clear from the outset that this raw material is not an objective given. The product of the transformation of Generality I is Generality III, knowledge. Generality II, then, is the theory of the science at any given moment, the method (1969:183-4). “Theoretical practice,” Althusser concludes, “produces Generalities III by the work of Generality II on Generality I” (1969:185). Althusser’s clarification of this theory adds, if anything, even more complexities. He insists that there is never an identity of essence between Generality I and Generality III, but always a real transformation. And, most significantly, the movement from Generality I to Generality III is a movement from the abstract to the concrete. It only involves theoretical practice; it takes place entirely in knowledge. Althusser insists that Marx himself defined the correct scientific method as a movement from the abstract to the concrete (1969:185). The “concrete-in-thought” should never be confused with “concrete-reality” (1969:186). In Reading Capital Althusser and Balibar reflect on this theory in a broader sense. They insist that we must completely reorganize our idea of knowledge, conceiving it strictly as a production. Once more appealing to Marx, they insist that Marx defends the distinction between the real-object (real-concrete) which survives in its independence outside the head and the object of knowledge, a product of thought that produces it in itself as a thought-concrete. For Marx, they insist, the production process of the object of 12
knowledge takes place completely in knowledge and is carried out according to a different order (1970:41). For Althusser, what Marx is accomplishing is the opening up of a “new space” in the understanding of knowledge. Western philosophy’s “problem of knowledge,” he declares, is a “closed circle” (1970:53). For Marx, however, “thought is the historically constituted system of an apparatus of thought, founded on and articulated to natural social reality. It is defined by a system of real conditions which make it…a determinate mode of production of knowledge” (1970:41). In Lenin and Philosophy he puts it this way: “Every abstract concept therefore provides knowledge of a reality whose existence it reveals: an ‘abstract concept’ then means a formula which is apparently abstract but really terribly concrete, because of the object it designates” (2001:49). As an example, Althusser points to the capitalist mode of production. It is invisible to the senses, an abstract concept, yet is also undeniably concrete and “real” to everyone in a capitalist
society. This example gets at the heart of Althusser’s theory. Althusser is opposing an empiricism which relies on an objectively given reality. But in doing so he is not abandoning the real. On the contrary, his whole point is to get at the real-concrete in social relations. His claim is that the theory of Generalities does precisely this. It is possible that Althusser’s theory was meant to be deliberately provocative. It’s significance, however, is undeniable. First, it is an innovative interpretation of Marx. To claim that Marx should be interpreted as providing a theory that moves from the abstract to the concrete is a bold move, amounting to something like heresy for some Marxists. But, as Althusser’s example of the capitalist mode of production illustrates, it is also a compelling interpretation. Although Althusser does not cite it, the theory of primitive accumulation also fits neatly into the Generalities. The raw material (Generality I) of the 13
theory of primitive accumulation is supplied by economic theory itself, the calculation of what is necessary for capitalist production to begin. The method of analysis (Generality II) is economic as well, the form of analysis employed in the discipline of economics and governed by its rules. Generality III, the knowledge produced, is the most significant. It tells us the point at which an economy can “take off” in a capitalist sense. This knowledge, although abstract, is also very concrete. It has real, material consequences for those economies that have achieved primitive accumulation and those that will do so in the future, most notably in emerging nations. Second, Althusser’s theory is significant in its relationship to contemporary philosophies of science. The coherence theories of Kuhn, Canguilhem, and Foucault come immediately to mind. Although cast in different terms, Althusser’s Generalities have much in common with these theories. All posit the linguistic construction of scientific practice. But Althusser’s theory also exhibits important differences. Foucault and Kuhn can easily be accused of losing the real, the material, in their theories. Their emphasis on the discursive constitution of reality leaves reality itself almost entirely out of the equation. This is not true of Althusser’s theory. Althusser is always acutely aware of the role of the real in his theory, despite its reference to the abstract. Perhaps because he is still, at root, a Marxist, Althusser cannot make the linguistic turn of his contemporaries and abandon the real altogether. This same complex understanding of the relationship between language and reality informs another aspect of Althusser’s theory: the subject and its relationship to ideology. Discussions of the subject were everywhere in the work of Althusser’s contemporaries. Althusser refers to the work of Foucault and Lacan frequently. Althusser’s work is deeply influenced by the linguistic approach to the subject that 14
dominates these theories. The discursive constitution of the subject that informs the theories of Lacan and the postmoderns comes out in his theory of “interpellation.” Like these theorists, Althusser argues that subjects are constituted by discursive forces; they have no essential identity. But, again, Althusser’s theory has a distinctive cast. For Althusser one cannot discuss the subject without the concept of ideology: “all ideology hails or interpellates concrete individuals as concrete subjects” by the functioning of the category of the subject (2001:117). Ideology recruits subjects among individuals (2001:118). Althusser’s theory of ideology is an extension of his argument about Marx’s understanding of the complexity and interrelationship of social forces. Althusser distinguishes between two kinds of state apparatuses: repressive state apparatuses (RSA) such as law, courts, prisons, etc. and ideological state apparatuses (ISA) such as religion, education, family, culture, communication (2001:96). This distinction in itself is a departure from classical Marxism that puts all these institutions in the same category. But for my purposes it is another aspect of Althusser’s discussion that is significant: his claim that ideology has a material existence and that its practice is material (2001:112). Althusser begins his discussion with what seems to be the standard Marxist interpretation of ideology: ideology represents the imaginary relationship of individuals to their real conditions (2001:109). But then Althusser goes on to link this concept to his understanding of practice. The idea of a human subject exists in his actions and actions are inserted into practices. Thus the existence of subjects’ ideas is material in the sense that 15
his ideas are his material actions inserted into material practices governed by material rituals which are themselves defined by the material/ideological apparatus from which derive the ideas of that subject. (2001:114) Just in case we didn’t get the point, Althusser then goes on to assert that ideology exists in a “material ideological apparatuses, prescribing material practices governed by material ritual, which practices exist in the material actions of a subject acting in all consciousness according to his belief” (2001:115). What we are left with, then, is a three-way connection between ideology, materiality, and subjects: “the category of the subject is only constitutive of all ideology insofar as all ideology has the function (which defines it) of ‘constituting’ concrete individuals as subjects” and ideology is nothing but its functioning in the material forms of existence of that functioning (2001:116). Althusser’s theory, although it has much in common with that of theorists such as Foucault, also stands apart from those theories because of its emphasis on the material. While Foucault and the postmoderns are caught up in the linguistic constitution of the subject, the material dimension is frequently lost. For Althusser, in contrast, materiality is an essential part of the constitution of subjectivity. In Language and Materialism (1977) Rosalind Coward and John Ellis argue that materialism (and by this they mean Marxism) needs a theory of language and that the lack of such a theory has had serious political consequences. They argue that the key to a materialist theory of language is the consideration of the process of the subject in relation to identity and sign (1977:7). They point to Althusser’s work as an important effort to fight the “crude economism” of Marxism. His work on ideology and the relationship 16

between ideology and the subject, they argue, must be the key to a materialist approach to language. The significance of Coward and Ellis’s book lies not so much in these theses as in the context of their argument. In the 1970′s philosophical work was focused almost exclusively on language. Postmodern and poststructuralist theories of language and the subject dominated philosophical discussions. The linguistic constitution of the subject was explored from every conceivable angle. But, as Coward and Ellis point out, Marxism was almost entirely excluded from this discussion. What Coward and Ellis call the “crude economism” of Marxism precluded any substantive discussion of language. They try to remedy this by turning to the work of Althusser and Lacan. The result is a complex theory that incorporates language, ideology, the subject, and materialism But the intellectual community was not receptive to this theory. Althusser died in disgrace and the theories of Foucault and Derrida, theories that are in an uneasy relationship with Marxism, became dominant. But this is not all there is to the story. The exclusive emphasis on language that characterized the 1980′s and 1990′s began to unravel. Specifically, a number of theorists began to question the exclusion of the material in these theories. Philosophers of science such as Bruno Latour, Andrew Pickering, feminist theorists such as Karen Barad and Elizabeth Wilson began to explore ways of bringing the material back in, integrating language and materialism. Pickering’s mangle, Barad’s intra-action, and other theories began to define a new and exciting convergence between language and the material. Given these developments it is ironic that the approach to materialism formulated by Marxists such as Althusser and Coward and Ellis has not been a part of this emerging discussion. The participants in this discussion are working to bring the material back into 17

the equation, combating the studious rejection of the material that characterizes linguistic philosophy. The Marxists, in contrast, have never had a problem with the material. The material has always been at the center of Marxist theory, thus there is nothing to bring back in. The problem for Marxism is quite different: overcoming the “crude economism” of much Marxist thought. Once this is accomplished, however, new possibilities open up. A theory emerges that integrates language and materialism in a compelling way. Listen to Coward and Ellis’s definition of the social totality: “For the contradictions within each practice weigh upon the specific contradictions of the others: the whole historic situation impinges upon each moment” (1977:69). This formulation has striking parallels to Pickering’s attempt to define the language-reality interface in a concept he calls the “mangle” (1995). There is another significant parallel between these two discussions. The contemporary effort to bring the material back in, what some theorists are calling the “new materialism,” has been fueled to a large extent by feminist theorists. Feminists’ concern with the body has led them to reject an exclusive emphasis on language and to explore the role of the material. It is significant that feminism also had a key role in the revaluation of Marxist thought that led to a new theory of the relationship between discourse and reality. It was obvious to feminist Marxists from the outset that patriarchy functioned as a relatively autonomous aspect of the social totality. The work of Nancy Hartsock is notable in this regard. She and other feminist Marxists argued that patriarchy could not be explained from the perspective of vulgar Marxism as directly caused by the economic base. In order to explain the continuation and variety of patriarchy under very different economic systems it was necessary, as Althusser realized, to complicate the understanding of the relationship between the mode of production and other social forces. 18
Coward and Ellis claim that the key to Marxism’s turn to language is the oppression of women (1977:10). Others have made similar arguments. When subjectivity, the family, the state and civil society, and all the institutions that had been seen as determined by the economy were freed from this servitude and became equally consequential for social reproduction as the economic base, the space of feminist theory was liberated – it sensed – from its secondary and subservient status. (Gibson-Graham 1996:221) Commentators on this discussion refer to the position developed by Althusser as “aleatory materialism” (Callari and Ruccio1996:26). That this position is far from the “crude economism” of previous Marxist interpretations is clear. Whether it is the correct interpretation of Marx I will leave to others to decide. What I want to conclude is that this interpretation offers a solution, what Latour calls a “new settlement,” to a problem that is at the forefront of contemporary thought. How to define the relationship between discourse and reality without falling into the trap of privileging either side of the dichotomy is, arguably, the key problem in contemporary intellectual discussions. The fact that Althusser’s “settlement” has not been a part of that discussion is a loss for the intellectual world. Beginning with his analysis of primitive accumulation, Althusser’s “aleatory materialism” has much to contribute to the discussion of language and materialism now underway. REFERENCES Althusser, Louis 1969. For Marx. Trans. Ben Brewster. London: Verso 2001. Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays. New York: Monthly Review Press. 19

Authors: Hekman, Susan.
and Etienne Balibar 1970. Reading Capital. London:Verso. Callari, Antonio and David Ruccio, eds. 1996. Postmodern Materialism and the Future of Marxist Theory Middletown: Wesleyan University Press. Coward, Rosalind and John Ellis 1977. Language and Materialism. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Gibson-Graham, J.K. 1996. Althusser and capitalism: an encounter in contradiction. In Antonio Callari and David Ruccio, eds. Postmodern Materialism and the Future of Marxist Theory. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 212-30. Hartsock, Nancy 2005. Globalization and primitive accumulation: the contributions of David Harvey’s dialectical materialism. In Noel Castree and Derek Bok, eds. David Harvey’s Marxism. New York: Blackstone. Marx, Karl 1967. Capital, volume I. New York: International Publishers Co. Pickering, Andrew 1995. The Mangle of Practice: time, agency, and science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Schatzki, Theodore et al, eds. 2001. The Practice Turn in Contemporary Theory. New York: Routledge. 20